<: 


CHICAGO 

Natural  History 
Museum 


»^  f7.  G/tO/*£f* A  */  N 


FIELD    MUSEUM     OF     NATURAL     HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    I. 


TRIBAL  MAP  OF  DAVAO  DISTRICT 


Field    Museum   of   Natural   History. 

Publication    170. 

Anthropological  Series  Vol.  XII,  No.  1, 


THE  WILD  TRIBES  OF 

DAVAO  DISTRICT, 

MINDANAO 

BY 

Fay-Cooper  Cole 

Assistant  Curator  of  Malayan  Ethnology 


The  R.  F.  Cummings  Philippine  Expedition 


George  A.  Dorsey 
Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 
September,  1913 

J  ■  * 


CONTENTS 


List  of  Illustrations 

Introduction 

I.     The  Bagobo t? 

Habitat 

Number 

Influence  of  Neighbors;  History c2 

Physical  Type _g 


^  ___  .^..m^. -7 

Sketch  of  Fundamental  Religious  Beliefs 61 

Dwellings — Household  Utensils 63 

Other  Buildings ^_ 

Food  and  its  Preparation 5g 

Hunting  and  Fishing ?2 

Occupations 7 

Transportation  and  Trade QO 

Warfare 

Social  Organization qc 

Laws,  Property  and  Inheritance ....  q8 

Birth :.".'.'.'.■,;.'  99 

Marriage IOI 

Sickness  and  Death T~., 

iuj> 

Beliefs  concerning  the  Soul,  Spirits,   Oracles  and  Magic.  .  105 

Music,  Dances  and  Ceremonies Ioq 

Decorative  Art I2I 

Mythology 125 

Other  Branches  of  the  Tribe I2g 

II.     TheBila-an 

III.  The  Kulaman : 

IV.  The  Tagakaolo j -g 

V.     TheAta ...............'..[  162 

VI.     The  Mandaya l6I 

Habitat jg- 

Description l66 

Clothing l6? 

History 169 

1 


VI.      The   Mandaya — Continued.  .  page 

Mythology  and  Religion 172 

Spirits ' 175 

The  Tungud  Movement 179 

Social  Organization 180 

Dwellings 182 

Agriculture 1 84 

Hunting  and  Fishing 186 

Warfare 187 

Industries 190 

Birth 191 

Marriage 192 

Sickness  and  Death 193 

Decorative  Art 195 

Conclusion 200 


11 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

TEXT  FIGURES 

PAGE 

1.  Shell  bracelet 57 

2.  Necklace  of  rattan  overlaid  with  fern  and  orchid  cuticle 57 

3.  Brass  anklets  worn  by  the  women 58 

4.  Brass  bracelets 58 

5.  Ear  stretchers 50, 

6.  Woman's  ear  plugs 60 

7.  Pubic  shields 61 

8.  The  "stove" 64 

9.  Bamboo  plate  rack 64 

10.  Rice  mortar  and  pestle 65 

11.  Cocoanut  shell  spoon 65 

12.  Tambara 66 

1 3 .  Rice  winnower 69 

14.  Lime  and  tobacco  tubes 71 

15.  Spears  used  in  fighting  and  hunting 72 

16.  Chicken  snare  and  carrying  case 72 

17.  Bow  and  arrows 73 

18.  Blow  gun  and  darts 73 

19.  Bamboo  fish  trap 75 

20.  Fish  spear 76 

2 1 .  Fish  lure 76 

22-24.  Types  of  weaving  used  in  basketry 77 

25.  Cocoanut  scraper 78 

26.  Stages  in  the  manufacture  of  metal  bells 81-2 

27.  Hemp  machine 84 

28.  Sugar  cane  press 84 

29.  Rice  planter 87 

30.  Carrying  frame 91 

3  1 .  Front  and  back  of  decorated  shield 93 

32.  Round  shield 93 

33.  Taw-gaw  or  bamboo  guitar no 

34.  Realistic  patterns  in  beads  and  shell  disks 123 

35.  Cooking  pot  and  cover 131 

36.  Women's  combs ? 134 

in 


PAGE 

37.  Ear  Plugs 135 

38.  Bows  and  arrows  from  Lake  Buluan  region 141 

39.  Bows  and  arrows  in  common  use '.  .  142 

40.  Pitch  slick 142 

41.  Embroidered  designs 147 

42.  Designs  on  men's  clothing 148 

43.  Portion  of  a  hemp  cloth  pillow  cover 151 

44.  Basket  with  infitting  top 151 

45.  Man's  knife  and  sheath 154 

46.  Bamboo  trumpet 156 

47.  Men's  hats 168 

48.  Woman's  comb 169 

49.  Ear  plugs 169 

50.  Gourd  rice  holder 185 

51.  Bird  snare •  •  186 

52.  Wooden  shields 188 

53.  Silver  breast  ornaments 191 

54.  Designs  representing  the  human  form 194 

55.  Crocodile  designs 196 

56.  Crocodile  design 197 

57.  Design  used  in  weaving 197 

58.  Designs  on  a  bamboo  lime  holder 198 

59.  Clothes  hanger 198 

60-61.  Embroidered  figures  on  jackets  and  carrying  bags 199 

62.     Tobacco  pouches 199 


PLATES 

I.     Tribal  map  of  Davao  District Frontispiece 

II.     Bagobo  youth  wearing  the  prized  ivory  ear  plugs. 

III.  The  men  retain  their  long  hair  in   place  with   decorated  head 

bands. 

IV.  Many  strands  of  beads  surround  the  necks  of  the  men. 

V.     The  features  of  some  of  the  men  approach  those  of  the  Negrito. 
VI.     Bagobo  woman  wearing  the  customary  hair  and  neck  ornaments. 
VII.     A  typical  Bagobo  woman. 

VIII.     Although  the  hair  is  oiled  and    combed  straight    back,   stray 
locks  are  continually  creeping  out. 

IV 


IX. 

X. 

XI. 


XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 


XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 
XXII. 


XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 


XXVI. 


XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 


The  clothing  worn  by  both  sexes  is  decorated  with 

beads,  shell  disks,  and  embroidery. 
A  group  of  women  in  gala  dress. 

(a)  In   lieu  of  pockets,   the   men  carry    decorated 

hemp-cloth  bags  on  their  backs. 

(b)  The  coming  and  passing  generations. 
(c  and  d)     Customary  dress  of  the  children. 

(a)  A  youth  having  his  teeth  cut  to  points. 

(b)  The  mutilated  teeth. 

In  house-building,  the  roof  is  made  first  and  is  then 

raised  to  the  desired  height. 
Farm  house  with  rice  granary  in  the  foreground. 
Home  of  Datu  Tongkaling. 

(a)  A  house  in  Bansalan. 

(b)  Bamboo  fence  surrounding  a  clearing. 

(a)  Brass   boxes   in    which    betel-nut,    leaves   and 

lime  are  carried. 

(b)  Small   mortars   and   pestles  used   in   crushing 

betel-nut. 
Wooden  decoy  used  in  hunting  doves. 
Tobacco  boxes  carried  by  the  men. 
Woman  stripping  the  hemp  which  is  to  be  used  for 


weaving. 


Overtying  the  warp  threads  before  dyeing. 

(a)  Dried  Hemp. 

(b)  Overtied  warp  threads  ready  to  be  colored. 

(c)  Dyed  threads  with  overtying  removed. 

(d)  Colored  threads  ready  for  the  loom. 
Weaving. 

Polishing  the  cloth. 

Manufacture  of  the  magani's  headband: 

(a)  Overtied  cloth. 

(b)  The  colored  headband. 

(a  and  b)     Knife   and  carved  stick  used  in  decora- 
ting "Job's  tears. 

(c)  Necklace  made  of  the  carved  seeds. 
Brass  workers'  forge  at  Cibolan. 
Bracelet  makers  at  work. 

(a  and  b)     Men's  working  knives  and  sheaths. 

(c)  Small  knife  used  by  both  sexes. 

(d)  Woman's  knife. 


v 


XXX.     (a)     Playing  the  agongs. 

(b)     The  kodlon  or  native  guitars. 
XXXI.     Man's  suit  decorated  with  beads,  shell    disks,  and 

applique. 
XXXII.     Fighting  knives. 

XXXIII.  (a)     Sheathes  for  the  fighting  knives. 

(b)     Sheathes  for  the  small  working  knives. 

XXXIV.  (a)     Bamboo   basket   woven    in    two   colors.      The 

central  rim  design  is  identified  as  a  crocodile . 
(b)     The  basket  rim  has  been  decorated  by  sewing 
in  designs  with  fern  cuticle. 
XXXV.     (a)     Decorated  tobacco  boxes.    The  front  of  speci- 
men is  inlaid  with  yellow  orchid  cuticle, 
(b)     Wooden  tops  of  tobacco  boxes  inlaid  with  beads 
XXXVI.     Trinket  baskets  carried  by  the  women. 
XXXVII.     Typical  specimens  of  weaving  in  hemp  cloth. 
XXXVIII.     Center  panel  in  woman's  hemp  cloth  skirt. 
XXXIX.     Beaded  bags  which  the  men  carry  on  their  backs. 

XL.     Men's   carrying   bags    decorated    with    beads,    em- 
1  broidery  and  applique. 
XXLL     (a)     No.  1 — Brass  betel-nut  box  made  by  the  Mora 
No.  2- — Same  of  Bagobo  manufacture, 
(b)     Tops  of  the  same  boxes. 
XLII.     A  Bila-an  lEbE. 

XLJII.     Bila-an  man  wearing  wooden  ear  plugs. 
XBIV.     Bila-an  from  the  Maal  river. 
XLV.     Bila-an  laborers  on  an  American  plantation. 
XLVI.     Women  of  Labau. 
XLVII.     (a)     Woman  in  typical  Bila-an  dress. 

(b)     Bila-an  woman  on  a  coast  plantation. 
XL,  VIII.     Ordinary  dress  of  the  women. 
XLiX.     (a)     The  houses  are  perched  on  the  hill    tops,  far 
above  the  rivers, 
(b)     Home  of  Datu  Dialum. 
L.     (a)     Mountain-side  clearing  and  residence, 
(b)     A  clearing  in  the  jungle. 
LI.     Men's  hats  decorated  with  chicken's  feathers. 
LJI.     A  lawig. 
IylH.     Securing  sago. 


VI 


LIV.     (a  and  b)     Fronts  of  carved  shields. 

(c)     Back  of  a  shield.    In  the  upper  third  is  carved 
a  hunting  scene,   showing  a  man  with  his 
spear  and  dog  about  to  attack  a  crocodile. 
LV.     Knives  used  by  the  men  both  for  work  and  defense. 
LVI.     Front  and  back  of  a  man's  jacket  completely  covered 
with   embroidered   designs.      Forms    representing 
the  crocodile  appear  on  the  left  shoulder  and  both 
sleeves. 
LVII.     Front  and  back  of  a  man's  jacket. 
LVIII.     (a  and  b)     Men's  trousers  decorated  with  embroid- 
ery and  shell  disks. 
(c)     Boy's  trousers.     The  decoration  is  secured  by 
oversewing  the  cloth  before  dyeing. 
UX.     Women's  jackets,  showing  typical  decoration. 
LX.     Specimens  of  Bila-an  weaving. 
IXI.     Kulaman  men. 
LXII.     Kulaman  women. 
LXIII.     Suit  worn  by  a  mabolot. 
LXIV.     Mandaya  men. 
LXV.     Mandaya  women. 

LXVL     Woman  wearing  the  most  prized  ornaments  of  the 
tribe. 
IvXVII.     Woman  from  the  headquarters  of  the  Mayo  river. 
LXVIII.     Waterproof  trinket  boxes  are  carried  by  the  women. 
LXIX.     Customary  dress  of  the  men. 

LXX.     Bags,  which  serve  as  pockets,  hang  against  the  backs 
of  the  men. 
LXXI.     Arm  ornaments. 
LXXII.     Caroline  Island  boat  at  Mayo  Bay. 
LXXI  1 1.     Mandaya  tree  dwelling. 
LXXIV.     Dwellings  near  the  Mayo  river. 
IvXXV.     Fighting  knives  and  sheathes. 

IvXXVI.     Daggers  carried  by  the  men.     The  sheathes  are  over- 
laid with  silver.- 


VII 


PREFACE. 

The  material  presented  in  this  paper  was  obtained,  for  the  most 
part,  during  a  stay  of  seven  months  among  the  tribes  of  Davao  District 
in  Southern  Mindanao  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  Previous  to  this  I 
had  spent  a  like  period  studying  the  Bukidnon,  of  the  North-Central 
part  of  the  Island,  and  while  thus  engaged,  had  penetrated  to  within 
about  fifty  miles  of  the  Gulf  of  Davao.  In  order  to  trace  migrations, 
relationships,  and  trade  routes,  it  was  determined  to  continue  the  work 
from  the  Gulf  coast  toward  the  interior.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan  I 
went  to  Davao  in  July,  nineteen  hundred  and  ten. 

All  information  to  be  secured  from  publications,  settlers,  or  natives 
was  to  the  effect  that  there  were  at  least  fourteen  distinct  tribes  to  be 
met  with  in  the  Gulf  region.  The  preliminary  reconnaissance  of  the 
field  made  it  plain  that  the  earlier  classifications  were  greatly  at  fault. 
Several  divisions  recognized  as  tribes  were  found  to  be  only  dialect 
groups,  while  others  differing  in  no  essential  respects  from  one  another 
secured  names  from  the  districts  in  which  they  resided.  It  was  also 
found  that  in  recent  years  there  had  been  a  considerable  movement  of 
the  hill  people  toward  the  coast,  and  that  in  some  places  they  had 
penetrated  and  established  themselves  in  the  territory  formerly  held  by 
other  tribes. 

The  capture  of  slaves,  intermarriage,  and  trade  between  the  groups 
have  been  powerful  influences  in  obliterating  tribal  lines,  thus  adding 
further  confusion  to  the  classification  of  the  people. 

The  field  offered  so  much  of  interest  that  I  determined  to  make 
detailed  studies  of  the  various  tribes  encountered.  The  work  pro- 
gressed satisfactorily  for  seven  months,  when  a  severe  illness  caused  me 
to  leave  the  tropics  for  a  time,  at  least.  As  a  result  the  work  with  the 
Gulf  tribes  is  still  far  from  complete.  The  tribes  living  on  or  near  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Agusan  river  and  north  of  Compostela  were  not 
visited,  and,  hence,  will  not  be  mentioned  here,  'while  certain  other 
divisions  received  only  scant  attention.  No  attempt  is  here  made 
to  treat  of  the  Christianized  or  Mohammedanized  people,  who  inhabit 
a  considerable  part  of  the  coast  and  the  Samal  Islands,  further  than  to 
indicate  their  influence  on  the  wild  tribes.  Both  have  settled  in  Davao 
District  in  historic  times,  and  have  taken  many  native  converts  into 
their  villages.  From  these  settlements  new  ideas,  types  of  garments, 
and  industries  have  spread  toward  the  interior,  while  the  extensive 
slave  trade  carried  on  by  the  Moro  has  had  a  marked  effect  on  all  the 
tribes  with   whom  they  have  come  in   contact. 

49 


50      Field  Museum  oe  Naturae  History — Axth.,  Vol.  XII. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  paper  I  have,  so  far  as  possible,  drawn 
on  the  knowledge  of  others  to  fill  in  the  gaps  in  my  own  notes.  In 
spite  of  this  the  information  on  certain  groups  is  still  so  scanty  that 
this  can  be,  at  best,  only  a  sketch.  It  is  offered  at  this  time  in  the 
hope  that  it  may  serve  as  a  help  to  other  anthropologists  who  may 
plan  to  visit  this  most  interesting  field. 

I  wish  here  to  extend  my  thanks  to  the  various  civil  and  military 
authorities  who  gave  me  valuable  assistance;  also  to  Captain  James 
Burchfield,  H.  S.  Wilson,  James  Irwin,  Otto  Hanson,  William  Gohn, 
Henry  Hubbell,  and  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  planters,  whose  wide  knowledge 
of,  and  acquaintance  with  the  interior  tribes  made  possible  my  work 
in  many  localities. 

It  is  a  pleasure  and  a  duty  to  acknowledge  the  assistance  rendered 
by  my  wife,  who  accompanied  me  throughout  my  Philippine  work. 
Her  presence  made  it  possible  to  secure  the  complete  confidence  of  the 
hill  people,  and  thus  to  gain  an  insight  into  their  home  life  which 
otherwise  would  have  been  impossible.  A  large  part  of  the  material 
here  presented,  particularly  that  relating  to  the  women,  was  gathered 
by  her  and  many  of  the  photographs  are  from  her  camera. 

The  dialects  spoken  by  the  tribes  of  central  and  southern  Mindanao 
are  to  be  dealt  with  in  a  separate  publication,  so  that  at  this  time  I 
shall  merely  give  a  brief  description  of  the  characters  appearing  in  the 
native  names  used  in  this  paper.  The  consonants  are  pronounced  as 
in  English,  except  r  which  is  as  in  Spanish,  c  is  used  as  ch  in  church. 
n,  which  occurs  frequently,  is  a  palatal  nasal.  There  is  no  clear  artic- 
ulation and  the  stop  is  not  present,  but  the  back  of  the  tongue  is  well 
up  on  the  soft  palate. 

The  vowels  are  used  as  follows: 

a  like  a  in  fatter 

e  like  a  in  fate 

I  like  i  in  ravine 

o  like  o  in  note 

u  like  u  in  flute 

a,  c,  i,  o,  u,  short  of  the  above. 

£  is  a  sound  between  the  obscure  vowel  c,  as  e  in  sun,  and  the  ur 
in  burrow. 

The  dipthongs  are  ai  like  ai  in  aisle,  an  like  on  in  mouse,  or  final 
Spanish  ao  as  in  carabao:  ei  like  ei  in  eight,  oi  as  in  boy,  also  Eu,  at,  etc 

Fay-Cooper  Cole, 
Assistant  Curator  of  Malayan  Ethnology. 

Chicago,  September,  191 3. 


I.     THE  BAGOBO. 

Synonyms: — (a)  Guianga,  Guanga,  GuIvANGA 
(6)  Obo 
(c)  Tig  dap  a  ya 
(rf)  Eto 

HABITAT. 

The  west  coast  of  Davao  Gulf  between  Daliao  and  Digos  is  dotted 
with  small  villages,  the  inhabitants  of  which  are  largely  Bagobo  who 
have  been  converted  to  the  Christian  faith  and  have  been  induced  to 
give  up  their  mountain  homes  and  settle  in  towns.  Back  of  this  coast 
line  rise  densely  timbered  mountain  peaks,  lateral  spurs  from  which 
often  terminate  in  abrupt  cliffs  overlooking  the  sea.  From  other  peaks 
extensive  grass  covered  plains  slope  gently  down  nearly  to  the  water's 
edge.  Deep  river  canons  cut  between  these  mountains  and  across  the 
plains,  giving  evidence  of  active  erosion  for  a  long  period  of  time.  If 
these  mountain  chains  and  river  courses  are  followed  back  it  is  found 
that  they  all  radiate  from  one  stupendous  mass,  the  center  of  which 
is  Mt.  Apo,  the  highest  mountain  in  the  Philippines  and  reputed  to 
be  an  active  volcano.  Near  to  its  summit  is  a  deep  fissure  from  which, 
on  clear  mornings,  columns  of  smoke  or  steam  can  be  seen  ascending, 
while  the  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  turn  into  gold,  or  sheets  of  white, 
the  fields  of  sulphur  which  surround  the  cone. 

Along  the  lower  eastern  and  southern  slopes  of  this  mountain  and  its 
tributary  peaks  live  the  wilder  branch  of  this  tribe,  whose  traditions, 
religious  observances,  and  daily  life  are  closely  related  to  the  mani- 
festations of  latent  energy  in  the  old  volcano. 

NUMBER. 
The  exact  number  who  fall  under  this  classification  is  not  known. 
Governor  Bolton,  who  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  wild  tribes 
of  the  District,  estimated  their  number  at  sixty-five  hundred,  but  this 
count  did  not  include  the  sub -division  here  given  as  Obo.  One  enu- 
meration, made  by  a  Jesuit  missionary,  places  the  population  at  fifteen 
thousand,  while  the  Government  report  of  1900  gives  them  eighteen 
thousand  four  hundred.  The  latter  estimates  are  certainly  excessive. 
It  is  probable  that  they  were  determined  by  compiling  the  population 
of  villages  reported  to  exist  in  the  interior. 

51 


52      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

The  wilder  members  of  this  tribe  are,  to  a  certain  extent,  migratory, 
moving  their  villages  from  one  location  to  another  according  to  the 
demands  of  their  mode  of  agriculture.  Their  rice  fields  are  made  in 
mountain-side  clearings,  and  as  the  ever  present  cogon  grass  begins  to 
invade  the  open  land  they  substitute  sweet  potatoes  or  hemp.  In  time 
even  these  lusty  plants  give  way  to  the  rank  grass,  and  the  people 
find  it  easier  to  make  new  clearings  in  the  forest  than  to  combat  the 
pest  with  the  primitive  tools  at  their  command.  This  results  in  some 
new  fields  each  year,  and  when  these  are  at  too  great  a  distance  from 
the  dwellings  the  old  settlements  are  abandoned  and  new  ones  formed 
at  more  convenient  locations. 

It  is  probable  that  the  total  number  belonging  to  this  tribe  does 
not  exceed  ten  thousand  persons. 

INFLUENCE  OF  NEIGHBORS:— HISTORY. 

The  influence  of  the  neighboring  tribes  and  of  the  white  man  on  the 
Bagobo  has  been  considerable.  The  desire  for  women,  slaves,  and 
loot,  as  well  as  the  eagerness  of  individual  warriors  for  distinction,  has 
caused  many  hostile  raids  to  be  made  against  neighboring  tribes. 
Similar  motives  have  led  others  to  attack  them  and  thus  there  has 
been,  through  a  long  period,  a  certain  exchange  of  blood,  customs, 
and  artifacts.  Peaceful  exchange  of  commodities  has  also  been  carried 
on  for  many  years  along  the  borders  of  their  territory.  With  the 
advent  of  the  Moro  along  the  sea  coast  a  brisk  trade  was  opened 
up  and  new  industries  introduced.  There  seems  to  have  been  little,  if 
any,  intermarriage  between  these  people,  but  their  relations  were 
sufficiently  close  for  the  Moro  to  exert  a  marked  influence  on  the 
religious  and  civil  life  of  the  wilder  tribe,  and  to  cause  them  to  in- 
corporate into  their  language  many  new  words  and  terms. 

The  friendly  relations  with  the  Moro  seem  to  have  been  broken  off 
upon  the  arrival  and  settlement  of  the  Spaniards  in  Davao.  The 
newcomers  were  then  at  war  with  the  followers  of  Mohammed  and 
soon  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  Bagobo  rulers  in  their  cause.  A  Chinese 
plate  decorated  with  the  picture  of  a  large  blue  fish  was  offered  for 
each  Moro  head  the  tribesmen  presented  to  the  Spanish  commander. 
The  desire  for  these  trophies  was  sufficient  soon  to  start  a  brisk  trade 
in  heads,  to  judge  from  the  number  of  these  plates  still  to  be  seen 
among  the  prized  objects  of  the  petty  rulers. 

After  the  overthrow  of  Moro  power  on  the  coast,  Jesuit  missionaries 
began  their  labors  among  the  Bagobo,  and  later  established  their  follow- 

1  Imperata  koenigii. 


September,  1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       53 

ers  in  several  villages.  In  1886  Father  Gisbert  reported  eight  hundred 
converts  living  in  five  coast  towns.  Following  the  conflict  between 
Spain  and  the  United  States,  and  during  the  subsequent  insurrection, 
these  villages  were  left  without  protection  or  guidance.  As  a  result, 
large  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  retired  to  the  hills  where  they  were 
again  merged  with  their  wilder  brothers.  Naturally,  they  carried 
with  them  new  ideas  as  well  as  material  objects.  With  the  re-establish- 
ment of  order  under  American  rule  many  returned  to  the  deserted 
villages  while  others  were  induced  by  Governor  Bolton  to  form  com- 
pact settlements  midway  between  the  coast  and  the  mountain  fastnesses. 
The  influence  of  the  Government  has  become  stronger  each  year,  and 
following  the  human  sacrifice  at  Talun  in  1907,  that  powerful  village 
and  several  of  the  neighboring  settlements  were  compelled  to  move 
down  near  to  the  sea  where  they  could  be  more  easily  controlled. 

Schools  have  been  opened  in  some  localities  and  these,  together  with 
the  activities  of  Catholic  and  Protestant  missionaries,  are  causing  a 
rapid  change  in  the  life  and  beliefs  of  the  tribe. 

The  presence  of  American  hemp  planters,  with  the  consequent 
demand  for  laborers,  is  also  proving  an  immense  factor  in  wiping  out 
old  tribal  lines  and  in  introducing  new  ideas. 

Beyond  a  few  letters  written  by  the  missionaries1  we  find  scant 
reference  to  this  tribe  in  history,  but  their  own  traditions  and  genealogies 
are  well  known  even  by  the  younger  generation. 

According  to  the  tribal  historians  the  human  race  sprang  from  a 
man,  Toglai,  and  his  wife,  Toglibon,  who  lived  on  Mt.  Apo.2  "They 
were  there  from  the  beginning,  at  a  point  near  to  the  present  settlement 
of  Cibolan.  Many  fruits  grew  on  the  mountains  and  the  forests 
abounded  in  game  so  that  it  was  easy  for  them  to  secure  food.  There 
were  born  to  them  children,  who,  when  they  grew  up,  married.  One 
day  Toglai  and  Toglibon  told  their  oldest  boy  and  girl  that  they  should 
go  far  away  across  the  ocean,  for  there  was  a  good  place  for  them.  So 
the  two  departed  and  were  seen  no  more  until  their  descendants,  the 
white  people,  came  back  to  Davao.  The  other  children  remained 
with  their  parents  and  were  happy  and  prosperous  until  Toglai  and 
Toglibon  died  and  went  to  the  sky,  where  they  became  spirits.  Soon 
after  their  death  the  country  suffered  a  great  drought.  This  finally 
became  so  severe  that  the  water  in  the  rivers  dried  up  and  there  was 
no  more  food  in  the  land.     At  last  the  children  were  forced  to  leave 

1  Blair  and  Robertson.     The  Philippine  Islands. 

2  See  fuller  account  by  author,  in  Philippine  Journal  op  Science.  June  191 1, 
Vol.  VI,  No.  3,  pp.  128-9. 


54      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

their  home  and  seek  out  new  habitations  in  other  parts.  They  traveled 
in  pairs,  in  different  directions,  until  they  came  to  favorable  locations 
where  they  settled  down.  From  them  have  sprung  all  the  tribes  known 
to  the  Bagobo.  One  pair  was  too  weak  to  make  the  journey  from  the 
drought-cursed  land,  and  staid  at  Cibolan.  One  day  the  man  crawled 
out  into  the  ruined  fields  to  see  if  he  could  not  find  some  one  thing 
alive,  and  when  he  arrived  there  he  saw,  to  his  amazement,  a  single 
stalk  of  sugar  cane  growing  lustily.  He  cut  it  with  his  knife,  and  water 
began  to  come  out  until  there  was  enough  for  the  couple  to  drink.  The 
flow  did  not  cease  until  the  rains  came  again  to  refresh  the  land.  From 
these  two  the  tribe  has  again  grown  until  it  numbers  its  members  in 
the  thousands.  The  people  have  remained  true  to  their  belief  in  the 
spirits,  and  each  year  has  found  them  stronger  in  numbers,  and  richer 
in  houses,  land,  and  slaves." 

The  genealogy  of  the  Bagobo  rulers  is  traced  back  through  ten 
generations.  The  first  ruler  of  whom  there  is  record  was  Salingolop, 
during  whose  reign,  it  seems,  the  Spaniards  first  came  to  the  Philippine. 
According  to  the  tale1  "Salingolop"  was  a  man  of  great  and  prodigious 
force,  and  as  tall  as  the  Lauan,  which  is  the  tallest  tree  in  these  forests. 
He  had  three  sons  called  Bato,  Sipongos,  and  Calisquisan,  and  a 
daughter  named  Panugutan.  When  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  Manila, 
and  found  that  there  existed  a  man  so  tall  and  powerful,  they  sent  a 
battalion  of  soldiers.  They  disembarked  on  the  shore  of  Bimigao 
near  Daron,  and  ascended  the  mountain  where  Salingolop  lived.  He 
was  not  found,  because  at  the  time  he  was  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountain  hunting  wild  boars,  and  the  soldiers  returned  to  the  shore, 
taking  Panugutan  as  a  hostage.  Salingolop,  having  found  out  what 
had  happened  descended  the  mountain  alone  to  fight  the  soldiers 
which  were  there.  These  fired  on  him,  but  in  vain,  because  the  balls 
could  make  no  impression.  On  seeing  this,  they  dropped  their  rifles 
and  with  bars  of  iron  they  struck  him  on  the  legs,  trying  to  overthrow 
him.  As  he  fell  on  the  side  towards  the  sea,  the  noise  of  the  waves, 
it  is  said,  reached  to  the  Cape  of  San  Augustin.  They  cut  off  his  head 
and,  as  he  lay  dead,  they  cut  off  his  legs  that  he  might  not  arise  again. 
The  Spaniards  returned  to  Manila,  taking  with  them  Panugutan;  she 
married  in  Manila  a  Spaniard,  by  whom  she  had  two  children,  who 
later  returned  to  these  parts  and  were  well  received,  being  considered 
not  only  as  friends  but  as  brothers  of  the  Bagobo." 

Salingolop  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Bato  who,  in  turn,  was  followed 
by  Boas,   Basian,   Lumbay,   Banga,   Maliadi,  and  Taopan.     Until  we 
1  Recorded  by  P.  Juan  Doyle,  S.  J. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole. 


:o 


come  to  this  last  mentioned  ruler  we  learn  little  more  of  importance, 
but  at  the  beginning  of  his  rule,  we  learn  that  the  Bagobo  had  become 
a  powerful  people.  Under  his  leadership  they  made  frequent  forays 
into  neighboring  districts  and  returned  with  many  slaves  and  rich  loot. 
The  data1  was  noted  as  a  brave  warrior,  but  in  addition  to  this  he  was 
a  wise  and  just  ruler,  greatly  beloved  by  all  his  people.  When  he  died 
more  than  one  thousand  of  his  subjects  attended  the  funeral  which 
lasted  ten  days.  On  the  last  day  the  house  was  decked,  inside  and  out, 
with  red  and  yellow  flowers;  many  valuable  gifts  were  placed  beside 
the  corpse,  and  the  place  was  then  abandoned. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Pangtlan,  whose  administration,  like 
that  of  his  father,  was  firm  and  just.  Upon  his  death  he  bequeathed 
the  leadership  of  a  united  people  to  his  son  Manib.  The  new  data  did 
not  prove  to  be  a  great  warrior  and  his  decisions  in  matters  of  dispute 
were  not  always  just,  so  that  bad  blood  arose  between  the  people  of 
Gibolan  and  Talun.  He  was  unable  to  quell  the  disturbances,  and 
finally  open  warfare  broke  out,  petty  chiefs  of  other  districts  throwing 
off  his  control  and  ruling  as  data.  This  was  the  condition  which  con- 
fronted the  present  ruler,  Tongkaling,  when  he  found  himself  ruler  of 
Cibolan. 

The  claims  of  leadership  over  all  the  Bagobo  had  never  been  relin- 
quished, but  the  actual  power  of  the  datu  outside  his  own  district 
amounted  to  little.  Tongkaling  soon  established  his  right  to  the  name 
of  a  great  warrior,  and  his  people  so  prospered  under  his  rule  that 
upon  the  advent  of  the  Americans  he  was  much  the  most  powerful 
among  the  several  chiefs.  Under  the  administration  of  Governor 
Bolton,  Tongkaling  was  officially  recognized  as  head  of  the  Bagobo, 
and  with  this  added  prestige,  he  has  finally  succeeded  in  gaining  recog- 
nition from  all  the  chiefs  except  those  about  Santa  Cruz,  but  his  actual 
control  over  them  is  still  very  slight.  He  has  been  a  consistent  friend 
of  the  Americans,  but  has  jealously  guarded  his  people  against  outside 
influences,  so  that  they  are  much  less  affected  than  those  of  other 
districts.  For  this  reason  we  shall,  in  this  paper,  use  Cibolan  as  a 
type  settlement,  but  where  radical  differences  occur  in  other  districts 
they  will  be  noted. 

1  The  Moro  name  for  chief  or  ruler.  The  Bagobo  name  is  lagatmoda  or  matanem, 
but  the  Moro  term  is  in  general  use. 


56      Field  Museum  oe  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  "XII. 

PHYSICAL   TYPE.1 

An  idea  of  the  general  appearance  of  the  Bagobo  can  best  be  ob- 
tained by  a  study  of  the  accompanying  photographs.     Plates  II-VIII. 

Measurements  were  made  on  thirty-thiee  men  and  fifteen  women. 
The  maximum  height  of  the  males  was  found  to  be  164.8  cm.;  minimum 
149.8  cm.;  with  an  average  of  158.6  cm.  For  the  women  the  maximum 
was  152.8  cm.;  minimum  141  cm.;  average  147.3  cm. 

The  cephalic  indices  of  the  same  individuals  showed  84.5  as  the 
maximum,  74.3  minimum,  and  78.8  the  average  for  the  males.  The 
maximum  for  the  females  was  83.1,  minimum  76.2,  average  80.7. 
The  average  length-height  index,  taken  from  the  tragus  to  the  vertex, 
of  the  same  persons,  was  69.8-  maximum  75.6,  minimum  65.1-  for  the 
men;  and  for  the  women  73.1-  maximum  76.6,  minimum  70. 2-. 

The  face  is  long,  moderately  broad,  and  the  zygomatic  arches  are 
seldom  prominent.  The  forehead  is  high  and  full  with  supra-orbital 
ridge  slightly  developed.  The  crown  and  back  of  the  head  are  rather 
strongly  arched.  The  people  are  seldom  prognathous,  yet  individuals 
are  met  with  wTho  are  markedly  so  (Plate  V). 

The  lips  are  full  and  bowed;  the  chin  is  round  and  well  formed.  The 
root  of  the  nose  is  depressed;  the  ridge  broad  and  generally  inclined  to 
be  concave,  although  straight  noses  are  not  uncommon.  The  nasal 
wings  are  moderately  broad  and  arched  or  swelled.  The  eye  slits  are 
oblique  and  moderately  open,  showing  dark  or  brown-black  eyes.  The 
hair  is  brown-black  and  generally  slightly  wavy  or  loosely  curled,  while 
in  some  cases  it  is  found  curled  in  locks.  Women  comb  their  hair 
straight  back  and  plaster  it  with  cocoanut  oil,  but  even  this  does  not 
prevent  stray  locks  from  creeping  out.  Both  face  and  body  hairs  are 
scanty  and  are  generally  removed,  yet  occasionally  a  man  is  seen  who 
has  cultivated  a  few  hairs  into  a  fair  semblance  of  a  beard. 

The  Bagobo,  while  well  nourished,  are  inclined  to  be  of  slight  build, 
with  very  narrow  waists.  In  color  they  are  a  light  reddish  brown  with 
a  slight  olive  tinge  which  is  more  pronounced  in  the  women  than  in  the 
men. 

In  a  brief  summary,  we  can  say  that  they  are  a  short,  slightly  built, 
metsati-cephalic  people,  with  wavy  hair,  long  faces,  and  broad,  full  noses 
and  lips.  Individuals  are  met  with  who  exhibit  many  of  the  physical 
characteristics  of  the  Negrito;2  while  still  others,  both  in  color  and  facial 
lines,  are  comparable  to  the  Chinese. 

:  This  subject  will  be  treated  fully  in  a  separate  publication. 
2  Pygmy  blacks  of  the  Philippines. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       57 


DRESS— PERSONAL  ADORNMENT. 
No  wild  tribe  in  the  Islands  gives  more  attention  to  dress  than  does 
the  Bagobo.  By  an  intricate  process  hemp  is  colored  and  woven  into 
excellent  garments,  which,  in  turn,  are  decorated  with  embroidery, 
applique,  or  designs  in  shell  disks  and  beads.  The  men  wear  their 
hair  long  and  after  twisting  it  around  the  head  hold  it  in  place  with 
kerchiefs,  the  edges  of  which  are  decorated  with  beads  and  tassels. 

A  close  fitting  undershirt  is  often 
worn,  and  above  this  is  an  elabor- 
ately beaded  or  embroidered  coat 
which  generally  opens  in  front.  The 
hemp  cloth  trousers  scarcelyreach  to 
the  knee,  and  the  bottom  of  each  leg 
is  decorated  with  a  beaded  or  em- 
broidered band.  Two  belts  are 
worn,  one  to  hold  the  trousers,  the 
other  to  support  the  fighting  or 
working  knives  which  each  man  carries.  In  lieu  of  pockets  he  has 
on  his  back  an  elaborately  beaded  hemp  cloth  bag  bordered  with  tassels 
and  bells  of  native  casting.  Highly  prized  shell  bracelets,  worn  as  cuffs 
by  some  men,  are  made  of  a  large,  conical  sea-shell  (Fig.  1)  the  base  and 
interior  spirals  of  which  have  been  cut  away.     Necklaces  made  of  rattan 


Fig.   1. 
Shell  Bracelet. 


FIG.    2. 
NECKLACE    OF    RATTAN     OVERLAID    WITH     FERN    AND     ORCHID    CUTICLE. 

strips  decorated  or  overlaid  with  alternating  layers  of  fern  and  orchid 
cuticle  (Fig.  2)  are  frequently  seen,  while  many  strands  of  beads  and 
carved  seeds  surround  the  necks  of  both  men  and  women.  Both  sexes 
also  wear,  above  the  calf  of  the  leg,  plaited  or  beaded  leglets  to  some  of 
which  magical  properties  are  ascribed. 

The  woman  wears  a  jacket  which  is  close  fitting  about  the  neck  and 
reaches  to  the  skirt,  so  that  no  portion  of  the  upper  part  of  the  body 
is  exposed.  The  cloth  now  used  in  this  garment  is  generally  secured 
in  trade,  and  in  recent  years  decoration  in  applique  has  begun  to 
succeed  the  excellent  embroidery  seen  on  older  garments.  Frequently 
the  two  types  of  decoration  are  seen  on  the  same  jacket,  and  to  these 


58       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Axtii.,  Vol.  XII. 


are  added  complicated  designs  in  shell  or  metal  disks,  or  beads.  The 
narrow  tube  skirt  is  of  hemp  cloth  and  is  made  like  a  sack  with  both 
ends  open.  At  the  waist  it  is  held  in  place  by  means  of  a  cloth  or  beaded 
belt. 


-^vfe; 


In  addition  to  the 
many  strands  of  beads 
which  encircle  the  neck 
and  fall  over  the  chest, 
a  broad  bead  band  is 
often  worn  over  one 
CM*  Vffll  shoulder,  passing  under 

i/lb  the  opposite   arm  near 

the  waist.  Scarfs  of 
colored  cloth  are  also 
worn  in  this  manner 
when  the  ladies  are  on 
dress  parade.  Leglets 
and  brass  anklets,  made 
like  tubes  so  as  to  en- 
close metal  balls  (Fig.  3) 
or  with  bells  and  rattles 
attached,  are  commonly 
worn.  The  women  are  fond  of  loading  their  arms  with  ornaments 
of  shell  or  brass  (Fig.  4)  and  one  forearm  is  covered  with  separate  rings 


FIG.    3. 

Brass  Anklets   worn   by  the   women. 


FIG.    4. 

Types  of  brass  bracelets. 


September,   1913.        Wild  Tribes  or  Davao  District — Coee. 


59 


of  incised  brass  wire  which  increase  in  size  from  the  centre  towards  the 
ends,  forming  an  ornament  in  the  shape  of  an  hour-glass.  Their  hair 
is  generally  cut  so  as  to  leave  a  narrow  band  in  front;  this  is  brushed 
back,  but  often  falls  forward  on  the  face  or  in  front  of  the  ears.  Back 
of  this  the  hair  is  kept  well  oiled  and  is  combed  straight  to  the  back 
of  the  head,  where  it  is  tied  in  a  knot.  Into  this  knot  is  pushed  a 
wooden  comb  decorated  with  incised  lines  filled  with  lime,  or  inlaid 
with  beads.  On  festive  occasions  more  elaborate  combs,  with  plumes 
or  other  decorations  attached,  are  worn.  Aside  from  these  ornaments 
the  head  is  uncovered. 

Men  and  women  are  seen  who  have  their  eyebrows  shaved  to  thin 
lines.     This  is  a  matter  of  individual  taste  and  is  done  only  for  beauty. 

Neither  sex  makes  use  of  tattooing,  nor  do  they  mutilate  the  lips  or 
nose,  but  what  they  lack  in  these  respects  they  make  up  for  in  ear 
ornaments. 

When  a  child  is  very  young  a  small  hole  is  pierced  in  the  ear  lobes, 
and  into  this  opening  a  piece  of  twisted  banana  or  hemp  leaf  is  placed. 
(Fig.  5a).  This  leaf  acts  as  a  spring,  continually  enlarging  the  opening 
until  the  ear  plugs  can  be  inserted.  Another  method,  sometimes 
employed,  is  to  fill  the  opening  with  small  round  sticks   (Fig.   5b), 


=\      3? 

B      c 

^= 

gas 

-4 

— .       -f 

Fig.  5. 
Ear  Stretchers. 

u 

adding  more  from  time  to  time,  until  the  desired  result  is  obtained. 
The  plugs  worn  by  the  women  are  of  wood,  the  fronts  of  which  are 
inlaid  with  silver  or  brass  in  artistic  designs,  and  are  connected  by 


60      Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

strands  of  beads  passing  under  the  chin  (Fig.  6).  Large  wooden 
ornaments  are  also  worn  by  the  men,  but  more  prized  are  large  ivory 
ear  plugs  made  like  enormous  collar  buttons  (Plates  II-IV).  These 
are  very  rare,  since  the  ivory  for  their  manufacture  must  be  secured 
from  Borneo,  and  by  the  time  it  has  passed  through  the  hands  of  many 


FIG.    6. 

woman's  Ear  plugs. 

traders  it  has  assumed  a  value  which  limits  the  possession  of  articles 
made  from  it  to  a  few  wealthy  men.  A  further  method  of  ear  adorn- 
ment, frequently  seen  among  the  women,  consists  of  beads  sewed  into 
a  number  of  holes  which  have  been  pierced  through  the  helices  of  the 
ears. 

Both  men  and  women  file  and  blacken  the  teeth.  When  a  boy  or 
girl  has  reached  the  age  of  puberty,  it  is  time  that  this  beautifying 
should  be  done.  There  is,  however,  no  prohibition  to  having  it  per- 
formed earlier  if  desired.  The  candidate  places  his  head  against  the 
operator  and  grips  a  stick  of  wood  between  his  teeth  while  each  tooth 
is  filed  so  as  to  leave  only  the  stump,  or  is  cut  or  broken  to  a  point 
(Plate  XHa  and  b).  When  this  has  been  successfully  accomplished, 
what  is  left  of  the  teeth  is  blackened. 

The  color  is  obtained  in  two  ways.  The  more  common  method  is 
to  place  a  piece  of  metal  on  one  end  of  a  bamboo1  tube,  the  other  ex- 
tremity of  which  rests  on  glowing  coals.  The  smoke  from  the  charring 
bamboo  is  conducted  through  the  tube  to  the  cold  metal  on  which  it 
leaves  a  deposit  or  "sweat."     This  deposit  is  rubbed  on  the  teeth,  at 

1  A  variety  known  as  balakdyo  is  used  for  this  purpose. 


September,   19 13.       Wied  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       61 


intervals,  for  several  days  until  they  become  a  shiny  black.  A  second 
method  is  to  use  a  powder  known  as  tapEl  which  is  secured  from  the 
lamed  tree.  The  writer  did  not  see  this  tree  but,  from  the  description 
given  of  it,  believes  it  to  be  the  tamarindus.  This  powder  is  put  on 
leaves  and  is  chewed.  During  the  period  of  treatment  the  patient  is 
under  certain  restrictions.  He  may  neither  drink  water,  cook  or  eat 
anything  sour,  nor  may  he  attend  a  funeral.  Should  he  do  so  his  teeth 
will  have  a  poor  color  or  be  "sick."  When  the  teeth  have  been  properly 
beautified  the  young  man  or  woman  is  considered  ready  to  enter  society. 

Boys  run  about  quite  nude  un- 
til they  are  three  or  four  years  of 
age.  Until  about  the  same  age 
the  girls'  sole  garment  is  a  little 
pubic  shield,  cut  from  a  coconut 
shell  and  decorated  with  incised 
lines  filled  with  lime  (Fig.  7). 
Not  infrequently  bells  are  at- 
tached to  the  sides  of  this  "gar- 
ment." When  children  do  begin 
to  wear  clothing  their  dress 
differs  in  no  respects  from  that 
little  girls'   pubic  Shields.  of  their  elders. 


SKETCH   OF   FUNDAMENTAL   RELIGIOUS   BELIEFS. 

Although  we  shall  treat  religion  more  fully  in  a  later  paragraph,  it 
is  desirable  that  we  now  gain  an  idea  of  those  beliefs  which  enter  inti- 
mately into  every  activity  of  the  daily  life  of  this  people. 

The  Bagobo  believes  in  a  mighty  company  of  superior  beings  who 
exercise  great  control  over  the  lives  of  men.  Above  all  is  Eugpamolak 
Manobo,  also  called  Manama,  who  was  the  first  cause  and  creator 
of  all.  Serving  him  is  a  vast  number  of  spirits  not  malevolently  in- 
clined but  capable  of  exacting  punishment  unless  proper  offerings  and 
other  tokens  of  respect  are  accorded  them.  Below  them  is  a  horde  of 
low,  mean  spirits  who  delight  to  annoy  mankind  with  mischievous 
pranks,  or  even  to  bring  sickness  and  disaster  to  them.  To  this  class 
generally  belong  the  spirits  who  inhabit  mountains,  cliffs,  rocks,  trees, 
rivers,  and  springs.  Standing  between  these  two  types  are  the  shades 
of  the  dead  who,  after  they  have  departed  from  this  life,  continue  to 
exercise  considerable  influence,  for  good  or  bad,  over  the  living. 


62      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

We  have  still  to  mention  a  powerful  class  of  supernatural  beings 
who,  in  strength  and  importance,  are  removed  only  a  little  from  the 
Creator.     These  are  the  patron  spirits. 

Guarding  the  warriors  are  two  powerful  beings,  Mandarangan  and 
his  wife,  Darago,  who  are  popularly  supposed  to  make  their  home  in  the 
crater  of  the  volcano.  They  bring  success  in  battle  and  give  to  the 
victors  loot  and  slaves.  In  return  for  these  favors  they  demand,  at 
certain  times,  the  sacrifice  of  a  slave.  Dissentions,  disasters,  and  death 
will  be  sure  to  visit  the  people  should  they  fail  to  make  the  offering. 
Each  year  in  the  month  of  December  the  people  are  reminded  of  their 
obligation  by  the  appearance  in  the  sky  of  a  constellation  known  as 
Balatik,  and  soon  thereafter  a  human  sacrifice  doubtless  takes  place 
in  some  one  or  more  of  the  Bagobo  settlements. 

A  man  to  come  under  the  protection  of  these  two  deities  must  first 
have  taken  at  least  two  human  lives.  He  is  then  entitled  to  wear  a 
peculiar  chocolate-colored  kerchief  with  white  patterns  in  it.  When  he 
has  killed  four  he  may  wear  blood-red  trousers,  and  when  his  score 
has  reached  six  he  may  don  a  full  blood-red  suit  and  carry  a  sack  of 
the  same  color.  Such  a  man  is  knowm  as  magani  and  his  clothing 
marks  him  as  a  person  of  distinction  and  power  in  his  village.  He  is 
one  of  the  leaders  in  a  war  party;  he  is  chosen  by  the  datu  to  inflict  the 
death  penalty  when  it  has  been  decreed;  and  he  is  one  of  the  assistants 
in  the  yearly  sacrifice.  It  is  not  necessary  that  those  he  kills,  in  order 
to  gain  the  right  to  wear  a  red  suit,  be  warriors.  On  the  contrary  he 
may  kill  women  and  children  from  ambush  and  still  receive  credit  for 
the  achievement,  provided  his  victims  are  from  a  hostile  village.  He 
may  count  those  of  his  townspeople  whom  he  has  killed  in  fair  fight, 
and  the  murder  of  an  unfaithful  wife  and  her  admirer  is  credited  to 
him  as  a  meritorious  deed. 

The  workers  in  iron  and  brass,  the  weavers  of  hemp  cloth,  and  the 
mediums  or  shamans — known  as  mabalian — are  under  the  protection 
of  special  deities  for  whom  they  make  ceremonies  at  certain  times  of 
the  year. 

The  mabalian  just  mentioned  are  people — generally  women  past 
middle  life — who,  through  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  spirits  and  their 
desires,  are  able  to  converse  with  them,  and  to  make  ceremonies  and 
offerings  which  will  attract  their  attention,  secure  their  good  will,  or 
appease  their  wrath.  They  may  have  a  crude  knowledge  of  medicinal 
plants,  and,  in  some  cases,  act  as  exorcists.  The  ceremonies  which  are 
performed  at  the  critical  periods  of  life  are  conducted  by  these  mabalian, 

1  Orion. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  ov   Davao  District — Cole.       63 

and  they  also  direct  the  offerings  associated  with  planting  and  harvesting. 
They  are  generally  the  ones  who  erect  the  little  shrines  seen  along  the 
trails  or  in  the  forests,  and  it  is  they  who  put  offerings  in  the  "spirit 
boxes"  in  the  houses.  Although  they,  better  than  all  others,  know 
how  to  read  the  signs  and  warnings  sent  by  the  spirits,  yet,  all  of  the 
people  know  the  meaning  of  certain  omens  sent  through  the  medium 
of  birds  and  the  like.  The  call  of  the  limokon1  is  recognized  as  an 
encouragement  or  a  warning  and  its  message  will  be  heeded  without 
fail.  In  brief,  every  natural  phenomenon  and  every  living  thing  is 
caused  by  or  is  subject  to  the  will  of  unseen  beings,  who  in  turn  can  be 
inilnenced  by  the  acts  of  individuals.  As  a  result  everything  of  im- 
portance is  undertaken  with  reference  to  these  superior  powers. 

DWELLING  S^HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS. 

The  houses  found  in  the  coast  villages  line  well  marked  streets  and 
differ  in  few  respects  from  those  built  by  the  Christianized  natives 
throughout  the  Islands.  Even  in  the  more  isolated  districts  the  effect 
of  this  outside  influence  is  marked.  However,  we  can  state  with 
confidence  that  village  life  is  a  new  idea  to  the  Bagobo.  He  has,  from 
time  immemorial,  built  his  home  near  to  his  fields,  and  there  he  and  his 
family  reside,  except  during  festivals  or  when  extreme  danger  threatens. 
At  such  times  all  go  to  the  house  of  the  local  ruler  and  there  unite  in 
the  festivities  or  the  common  defense. 

The  smaller  dwellings  have  but  one  room,  the  floor  of  which  is  raised 
several  feet  above  the  ground  and  supported  by  many  piles.  A  part  of 
the  latter  extend  five  of  six  feet  above  the  floor  and  form  supports  for  the 
side  and  cross-beams.  From  the  center  of  the  room  lighter  poles  project 
eight  or  ten  feet  above  the  cross-beams  and  form  the  main  supports 
for  the  ridge  timber.  From  beams  at  the  end  and  sides  of  the  room 
similar  pieces  run  to  this  central  ridge;  below  this  they  are  joined 
together,  at  intervals,  by  means  of  horizontal  poles  and  cross-beams. 
To  this  framework  are  lashed  strips  of  palina  brava,  supports  for  a 
covering  of  closely  laid  runo,  on  which  rests  the  final  topping  of 
flattened  bamboo.  The  ridge  pole  is  always  at  a  sufficient  height  above 
the  floor  to  give  the  roof  a  steep  peak,  and  is  of  such  length  that,  at  the 
top,  the  side  roof  overhangs  the  ends.  The  roof  generally  rises  in  two 
pitches  and  always  extends  past  the  sides  of  the  room. 

In  house  building,  the  roof,  which  is  made  first,  is  raised  to  the 
desired  height,  thus  serving  as  a  shelter  for  the  workers  until  the  struc- 

1  A  dove  (Calcophops  indica).  Similar  beliefs  held  by  the  Tagalog  were  men- 
tioned by  Juan  dc  Plaseneici  in  15S9.     See  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  VII,  p.  189. 


64      Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


ture  is  complete  (Plate  XIII).  Resting  on  the  cross-beams,  just  below 
the  rafters,  a  number  of  loose  boards  are  laid  to  form  a  sort  of  attic 
or  storage  room  where  all  unused  articles,  and  odds  and  ends  are  allowed 
to  accumulate. 

The  sides  of  the  room,  which  are  of  flattened  bamboo,  are  about  six 
feet  in  height,  and  extend  only  to  within  a  foot  of  the  roof.  In  the  walls 
small  peep  holes  are  cut  so  that  the  inhabitants  can  look  outside  without 
being  seen  (Plate  XIV). 


FIG.    8. 
THE    "STOVE." 

The  flooring,  which  is  gen- 
erally made  of  strips  of  palma 
brava,  is  in  two  levels,  forming  a 
narrow  elevated  platform  at  one 
end  of  the  room  on  which  a  part 
of  the  family  sleep. 

The  furniture  of  this  house  is 
very  scanty.  Near  to  the  door 
is  the  "stove"  (Fig.  8)— a  bed  of 
ashes  in  which  three  stones  are 
sunk  to  form  a  support  for  the 
pots  and  jars — and  nearby  stand 
a  few  native  jars  and  sections  of 
bamboo  filled  with  water.  On  a 
hanger  above  the  fire  may  be 
found  articles  of  food,  seeds,  and 
the  like,  which  need  protection 
from  flies  and  insects.  Against 
the  wall  is  a  bamboo  rack  (Fig.  9),  filled  with  Chinese  plates,  or  half 


FIG.    9. 

bamboo   Plate  Rack. 


September,   1913 .       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       65 

cocoanut  shells  which  serve  as  dishes.  Near  to  the  stove  is  a  rice  mortar 
standing  on  its  own  wooden  pedestal  which  reaches  to  the  ground 
(Fig.  10). 


r  I 


Fig.   10. 

A.  rice    mortar. 

B.  Pedestal  which  reaches  to  the 

Ground. 

C.  Circle  of  Corn    husks  placed 

so  as  to  prevent  grain  from 
Falling  Out. 
d.     wooden  pestle. 


FIG.    11. 

Cocoanut  Shell  Spoons 
wooden    Handles. 


with 


A  child's  cradle,  made  of  a  blanket  suspended  hammock-like  between 
the  wall  and  a  beam  support,  will  probably  be  found.  A  few  boxes  and 
jars,  Usually  of  Chinese  make,  and  always  a  copper  gong  or  two  are 
regular  furnishings,  while  to  these  can  be  added  a  miscellany  of  clothing, 
looms,  spears,  shields,  meat  blocks,  spoons  (Fig.  11),  and  the  like. 
Akin  to  furniture,  since  they  are  found  in  every  house,  are  little  basket- 
like receptacles  made  by  splitting  one  end  of  a  bamboo  pole  into  several 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


vertical  strips  and  then  weaving  in  other  shorter 
horizontal  strips  (Fig.  12).  These  are  attached 
to  walls  and  supporting  poles,  and  in  them  offer- 
ings arc-  made-  to  the  various  spirits. 

This  is  our  picture  of  a  typical  home.  It  is 
not  a  cheery  place  by  day,  for  the  lack  of  windows, 
as  well  as  a  fog  of  smoke  from  the  open  stove, 
makes  it  dark  and  gloomy.  Nevertheless,  since 
the  house  offers  a  cool  retreat  from  the  blazing 
sun,  and  the  smoke-laden  air  is  free  from  flies  and 
mosquitoes,  it  is  a  popular  resort  for  all  members 
of  the  family  during  the  hottest  part  of  the  day. 
The  little  light,  which  filters  in  through  the  many 
cracks  in  the  floors  and  walls,  is  sufficient  to  allow 
the  women  to  spin,  dye,  weave,  and  decorate  their 
clothing,  or  to  engage  in  other  activities.  After 
dark  the  resinous  nuts  of  the  bitaog  tree,  or  leaf 
covered  resin  torches  are  burned,  and  by  their 
uncertain  light  the  women  and  men  carry  on  their 
labors  until  far  into  the  night.  Entrance  to  the 
dwelling  is  gained  by  means  of  a  notched  log, 
bamboo  pole,  or  by  a  ladder  of  the  same  material. 
As  a  protection  against  strong  winds  many  props 
are  placed  against  the  sides  of  the  house,  and  when  large  trees  are  avail- 
able the  dwellings  are  further  secured  by  being  anchored  to  them  with 
rattan  lines. 

In  each  settlement  or  district  will  be  found  one  large  house  built 
on  the  same  general  plan  as  the  smaller  dwellings,  but  capable  of 
housing  several  hundred  people  (Plate  XV).  This  is  the  home  of  the 
local  datu  or  ruler.  All  great  ceremonies  are  held  here,  and  it  is  the 
place  to  which  all  hasten  when  danger  threatens.  It  is  the  social  center 
of  the  community,  and  all  who  desire  go  there  at  any  time  and  remain 
as  long  as  they  wish,  accepting  meanwhile  the  food  and  hospitality  of 
the  ruler. 

A  brief  description  of  the  house  of  Datu  Tongkaling  will  give  a  good 
idea  of  this  type  of  structure.  Except  for  size — the  dimensions  being 
44.x  20  ft. —  the  exterior  does  not  differ  greatly  from  the  houses  already 
described.  A  long,  partially  covered  porch  leading  to  the  doorway  is 
provided  with  benches  which  are  always  occupied  by  men  and  boys, 
loitering  or  engaged  in  the  absorbing  task  of  lousing  one  another. 
At  the  far  end  of  the  room  is  the  elevated  platform,  but  this  one  is 


fig.  12. 
Tambara  or  Basket- 
like RECEPTACLE  IN 
WHICH  OFFERINGS 
ARE  MADE  TO  THE 
SPIRITS. 


September,   1913.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — C01.1:.       67 

much  wider  than  is  customary,  and  is  intended  as  the  sleeping  place  for 
the  warriors,  or  illustrious  guests.  As  the  writer  and  his  wife  were 
considered,  by  the  datu,  as  belonging  to  the  latter  class,  they  were 
favored  with  this  vantage  spot,  from  which  they  could  view  and  be 
viewed  by  the  whole  household.  Along  the  sides  of  the  room  are 
elevated  box-like  enclosures  in  which  the  datu  and  some  of  his  wives 
and  daughters  sleep  and  keep  their  belongings.  At  night  the  balance 
of  the  family,  including  men,  women,  children,  and  dogs,  occupy  the 
floor.  Midway  between  the  side  walls  and  near  to  the  elevated  plat- 
form are  two  decorated  bamboo  poles,  which  are  raised  in  honor  of  the 
patron  spirits  of  the  warriors;  while  in  other  parts  of  the  room  are 
baskets,  hanging  altars,  and  other  devices  in  which  are  placed  offerings 
intended  for  the  spirits.  In  addition  to  the  customary  furnishings  are 
hundreds  of  objects  testifying  to  the  wealth  of  the  datu.  Clothes, 
boxes,  dozens  of  huge  copper  gongs,  drums,  ancient  Chinese  jars  and 
plates,  spears  and  shields,  beaded  clothing,  baskets,  and  last  but  not 
least — in  the  estimation  of  the  datu — a  huge  enameled  advertisement 
of  an  American  brewery. 

In  the  western  part  of  the  Bagobo  district  is  a  village  known  as 
Bansalan.  Recently  its  people  have  been  induced  to  leave  the  old 
settlement  and  build  in  a  new  location,  midway  between  the  mount- 
ains and  the  sea.  Here  the  writer  found  a  very  different  type  of  house 
(Plate  XVIa).  Small  trees  formed  the  uprights  to  which  cross-beams 
were  tied  to  make  the  roof  supports,  and  on  these  rested  a  final  covering 
of  nipa  palm.  A  few  feet  above  the  ground  other  supports  were  lashed 
and  on  them  strips  of  palma  brava  were  laid  as  flooring.  In  the  few 
cases  where  the  houses  were  fitted  with  sides,  strips  of  nipa  palm 
fastened  together  with  rattan  were  used.  There  seemed  to  be  no 
uniform  type  of  dwelling,  each  house  differing  from  its  neighbor  in 
number  of  rooms,  floor  levels,  or  in  other  respects.  Only  one  feature, 
the  elevated  sleeping  platform  at  one  end  of  the  house,  was  always 
found.  A  few  miles  further  inland,  in  the  old  settlement,  the  houses 
are  of  the  type  already  described  in  detail.  The  people  have  been 
practically  forced  to  their  new  location  by  governmental  action.  The 
new  careless  type  of  structures  seen  in  Bansalan  probably  represents, 
to  them,  temporary  structures  in  which  they  expect  to  remain  only 
until  a  change  of  governors  will  furnish  an  excuse  for  returning  to  the 
old  location. 

OTHER   BUILDINGS. 

Near  to  each  farm  house  or  settlement  will  be  seen  one  or  more 
granaries,  in  which  rice  is  stored  (Plate  XIV).      Four  poles  form  the 


68      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

support  for  a  rectangular  base  from  which  the  sides  of  the  structure 
slope  out  at  an  angle  of  about  25  degrees  from  the  perpendicular  until 
they  meet  the  roof.  The  sides  and  roof  are  of  bamboo  beaten  flat,  the 
latter  covered  with  a  topping  of  straw. 

In  the  hemp  fields  is  an  occasional  shed  where  the  fiber  is  sometimes 
stripped,  but  more  often  these  buildings,  thus  hidden  from  the  public 
gaze,  house  the  forges  on  which  the  smiths  fashion  knives  and  spears, 
or  cast  the  bells  and  betel  nut  boxes  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  each  Bagobo. 

Aside  from  the  shrines  or  altars,  which  we  shall  describe  later,  the 
Bagobo  erects  no  other  buildings.  He  sometimes  encloses  a  rice  or 
cornfield  with  a  fence,  but  this  requires  no  special  skill  in  building, 
since  it  consists  of  two  parallel  lines  of  uprights,  between  which  bamboo 
tubes  are  laid  to  the  desired  height  (Plate  XVIb). 


FOOD   AND    ITS   PREPARATION. 

It  is  impossible,  without  including  about  everything  edible  in  a 
vegetable  line  to  be  found  in  the  district,  to  give  a  full  list  of  foods; 
hence  no  such  attempt  will  be  made.  Chief  of  all  is  the  rice,  many 
varieties  of  which  are  grown  in  the  mountain-side  clearings.1 

Next  in  importance  is  the  camote,  or  sweet  potato,  and  then  follow 
in  the  order  of  their  importance:  corn,  banana,  sago  and  cocoanut. 

Fish,  eels,  crabs,  grasshoppers,  monkeys,"  deer,  pigs,  and  chickens 
form  a  part  of  the  food  supply;  in  fact,  the  people  seem  to  draw  the  line 
at  nothing  but  crows,  snakes,  mice,  rats,  goats,  horses,  dogs,  and  cats. 
Despite  the  assertion  of  a  number  of  worthy  informants  that  the  last 
three  are  on  the  prohibited  list,  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer  that  it  is 
the  scarcity  of  the  supply  rather  than  any  feeling  of  prejudice  which 
causes  them  to  be  included. 

Salt  and  pepper  are  used  as  condiments.  The  former  is  secured  in 
trade  with  the  coast  natives  and  Chinese,  while  the  latter  is  produced 
by  mashing  the  fruit  of  a  small  wild  pepper,  locally  known  as  katombal. 

Rice,  after  being  allowed  to  dry,  is  stored  without  being  separated 
from  the  straw.  When  a  supply  is  needed  a  bundle  is  laid  on  a  piece 
of  hide  and  is  beaten  with  a  wooden  pestle,  wielded  by  a  woman  or  a 
slave.  This  separates  the  grain,  which  is  gathered  up  and  placed  in  a 
wooden  mortar,  where  it  is  again  beaten  with  the  pestle  until  the  outer 
husk  has  been  loosened.     To  remove  the  chaff  the  rice  is  taken  from  the 

1  Back  of  the  coast  there  are  no  irrigated  fields  to  be  found  in  the  Davao  District. 

2  Some  people  refuse  to  eat  monkey  meat. 


September,    19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       69 

mortar,  placed  on  a  flat  winnowing  tray  (Fig.  13),  and  tossed  and  caught, 
until  the  wind  has  carried  away  the  lighter  husks,  thus  leaving  the 
grain  free.  This  is  placed  in  a  pot,  a  small  quantity  of  water  is  added, 
and  the  vessel  is  placed  over  the  fire.     Here  it  is  allowed  to  remain 


FIG. 13. 
RICE    Wl  NNOWER. 


only  until  it  begins  to  boil,  when  it  is  placed  on  the  ashes,  near  enough 
to  the  fire  to  keep  it  hot.  From  time  to  time  the  woman  turns  the  jar 
until  the  contents  is  cooked  through,  when  each  grain  stands  out  free 
from  its  fellows.1 

Other  vegetable  foods  are  eaten  raw,  or  are  cooked  with  water  and 
salt,  with  perhaps  the  addition  of  a  little  meat  broth  or  a  sour. 

Small  birds  and  fish  are  cooked  without  other  treatment  than  a 
hasty  cleaning;  but  the  flesh  of  larger  fowls,  deer,  and  pig  is  generally 
cut  into  small  cubes  and  cooked  with  condiments  in  a  jar  or  small 
Chinese  caldron.  Birds  are  sometimes  prepared  by  placing  them  on  a 
spit,  covering  them  with  green  banana  leaves,  and  suspending  them 

1  This  is  the  usual  way  of  preparing  rice  throughout  the  archipelago. 


70       Field  Museum  oe  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

above  the  fire  until  roasted.     This  primitive  paper  bag  cooking  yields 
a  most  excellent  dish. 

Grasshoppers  are  relished,  and  are  secured  in  the  following  manner: 
A  clear  grass  spot  is  selected  and  several  deep  holes  are  dug  in  one  end. 
Back  of  them,  and  leading  toward  them,  is  a  high  tight  fence  made 
in  a  V.  By  beating  the  grass  with  boughs  as  they  walk  toward  the 
trap,  the  people  drive  the  grasshoppers  before  them  until  they  are 
finally  forced  into  the  pit,  from  wrhich  they  are  collected  by  the  bushel. 

I  was  told  that  meat  wras  sometimes  salted,  dried,  and  stored  away 
fcr  future  use.  The  climate  seems  to  be  absolutely  opposed  to  such 
foresight,  and  the  one  time  that  I  saw  the  process  being  used,  the  odors 
were  such  that  I  beat  a  hasty  retreat  and  chcse  to  accept,  without 
proof,  the  verdict  of  the  natives,  that  venison  thus  prepared  was  excel- 
lent. 

Of  almost  as  much  importance  as  food  is  the  use  of  the  betel  or  areca 
nut,1  which  is  chewed  almost  constantly  by  young  and  old  of  both  sexes. 
The  nut  is  divided  into  quarters  and  a  piece  of  buyo  leaf"  is  wrapped 
about  each  bit.  To  this  is  added  a  little  lime  and  a  pinch  of  tobacco, 
and  it  is  ready  for  the  mouth.  The  resultant  deep  red  saliva  is  dis- 
tributed indiscriminately  on  the  floor,  walls,  and  furniture  where  it 
leaves  a  permanent  stain.  To  hold  the  materials  necessary  for  this 
practice  brass  betel  nut  boxes,  secured  from  the  Moro  or  of  their  own 
manufacture,  as  well  as  plaited  grass  boxes  and  pouches  are  constantly 
carried  (Plates  XVIIa  and  XLJ).  The  brass  boxes  generally  have 
three  compartments;  the  first  for  nuts,  the  second  for  leaves  and 
tobacco,  and  the  third  for  lime.  Lime  is  also  carried  in  small  bamboo 
tubes  (Fig.  14),  in  the  decoration  of  which  a  great  deal  of  time  is  con- 
sumed. The  open  end  is  fitted  with  a  rattan  sifter  so  that  the  powder 
is  distributed  evenly  on  the  nut  and  leaf. 

Aged  persons  and  those  whose  teeth  have  been  so  mutilated  that 
they  cannot  chewT,  make  use  of  an  outfit  which  includes  a  small  mortar 
and  pestle  (Plate  XVIIb).  Cutting  open  green  betel  nuts,  the  chewer 
wraps  the  pieces  in  leaves  and,  after  adding  a  liberal  supply  of  lime, 
mashes  them  in  the  mortar  until  all  are  reduced  to  a  soft  mass. 

Lime  is  secured  by  placing  snail  shells  in  a  fire,  from  which  they  are 
taken  while  hot  and  dropped  into  cold  water.  They  can  then  be 
crushed  into  powder  with  the  fingers. 

Although  the  Bagobo  raises  a  considerable  quantity  of  tobacco  he 
seldom,  if  ever,  smokes  it  unless  the  leaf  is  furnished  him,  already  pre- 

1  Catechu  L. 
-  Piper  betel  L. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of   Davao  District — Cole.       71 

pared,  by  an  outsider.  Sometimes  a  small  ball  made  of  the  green 
leaves  is  placed  between  the  teeth  and  upper  lip,  where  it  remains  until 
all  the  flavor  has  been  extracted. 

The  outfits  for  betel  nut  and  tobacco,  aside  from  the  brass  boxes 
which  fasten  at  the  side,  are  generally  carried  in  the  sacks  worn  on  the 
backs  of  the  men  or  in  the  elaborate  shoulder  bags  worn  by  the  women. 


FIG.    14. 

incised   lime  and  Tobacco  Tubes. 

However,  a  small  waterproof  box  is  frequently  seen  attached  to  a  man's 
belt,  and  in  this  he  carries  his  betel  nut,  tobacco,  and  fire-making  outfit. 
The  usual  method  of  making  fire  is  by  the  use  of  flint  and  steel,  but 
when  this  is  not  at  hand  a  flame  can  be  quickly  obtained  by  rubbing 
two  pieces  of  bamboo  rapidly  together  until  the  friction  produces  a 
spark. 


72      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.   XII. 


»; 


HUNTING   AND   FISHING. 

Since  only  a  few  domesticated  animals 
and  fowls  are  found  in  a  settlement,  the 
greater  part  of  the  meat  supply  is  secured 
by  hunting  and  fishing. 

Deer  and  wild  pig  are  taken  by  means  of 
spears.  The  hunter  either  lies  in  wait  near 
the  runways  of  the  game,  or  the  animals 
are  driven  toward  the  spot  where  the  hunts- 
men are  concealed.  For  this  purpose  the 
ordinary  lance  (Figs.  15a,  b  and  c)  is  often 
used,  but  a  more  effective  weapon  is  the 
spear  known  as  kaldwat  (Fig.  I5d).  In  this 
the  metal  head  fits  loosely  into  a  long  shaft 
to  which  it  is  attached  by  a  rope.  As  soon 
as  the  weapon  enters  the  body  of  the  animal 
the  head  pulls  out  of  the  shaft,  and  this 
trails  behind  until  it  becomes  entangled  in 
the  undergrowth,  thus  putting  the  game  at 
the  mercy  of  the  hunter.  Dead  falls  and 
pits  are  put  in  the  runways,  and  a  frightened 
animal  is  sometimes  impaled  on  concealed 
sharpened  bamboo  sticks.  Less  frequently, 
large  animals  are  secured  by  means  of  rope 
loops  which  hang  from  trees  past  which  the 
game  is  accustomed  to  pass.  Until  recent 
years  the  balatik,  a  trap  which  when  sprung 
throws  an  arrow  with  great  force  against  the 
animal  which  releases  it,  was  much  used, 
but  so  many  domestic  animals  have  been 
killed  by  it  that  this  sort  of  trap  is  now  in 
disfavor. 

Wild  chickens  are  captured  by  means 
of    snares   (Fig.  16).     A    tame  rooster 


FIG.    15. 

SPEARS    USED    IN    FIGHTING 

AND     HUNTING. 


FIG.    16. 
CHICKEN     SNARE    AND    CARRYING    CASE. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole. 


73 


is  fastened  in  the  jungle  and  around  him  is  placed  a  snare,  con- 
sisting of  running  knots  attached  to  a  central  band.  The  crowing 
of  this  fowl  soon  attracts  the  wild  birds  which,  coming  in  to  fight,  are 
almost  sure  to  become  entangled  in  one  of  the  nooses.  Slip  loops, 
attached  to  a  bent  twig  and  released  by  disturbing  the  bait,  are  also 
employed  in  the  capture  of  wild  fowl. 

Birds  of  all  sizes  are  secured  by  use  of  bows  and  arrows,  blow  guns, 
or  nets.  Wooden  decoys  (Plate  XVIII)  are  tied  to  the  branches  of 
trees  in  which  the  hunters  are  concealed.  The  bows  used  are  of  palma 
brava,  in  each  end  of  which  notches  are  cut  to  hold  the  rattan  bow 
strings  (Fig.   i7).     The  arrow  shafts  are  of  light  reeds  and  are  fitted 


® 


6 


FIG.    17. 
BOWS    AND    ARROWS. 


FIG.    18. 

Blow  Guns  and   darts. 


with  one  or  two  bamboo  points.  These  weapons  are  effective  only  for 
close  range,  and  even  then  the  Bagobo  are  far  from  being  expert  marks- 
men. Boys  use  a  reed  blow  gun  through  which  they  shoot  light  darts 
tufted  with  cotton  (Fig.  18).  The  missile  is  not  poisoned  and  is  of 
little  use  at  a  distance  of  more  than  twenty  feet. 


74       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

By  far  the  most  effective  means  of  securing  birds  is  to  stretch  a  net 
between  trees  or  poles  where  the  birds  are  accustomed  to  fly.  Wooden 
decoys  are  attached  to  the  net  in  order  to  attract  the  game  which,  once 
enmeshed,  is  easily  caught. 

Various  devices  are  employed  in  the  capture  of  fresh  water  fish,1  but 
the  most  common  is  a  torpedo-shaped  trap  of  bamboo  (Fig.  19).  Stone 
conduits  lead  the  water  from  streams  into  the  open  ends  of  these  traps, 
thus  carrying  in  fish  and  shrimps.  The  funnel-shaped  opening  has  the 
sharpened  ends  set  close  together  so  that  it  is  quite  impossible  for  the 
prisoners  to  escape,  although  the  water  readily  passes  between  the 
bamboo  strips. 

A  hook  and  line  is  employed,  especially  for  eels;  while  in  clear  pools 
fish  are  secured  by  means  of  a'  four-pointed  spear  which  is  thrust  or 
thrown  (Fig.  20).  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  device  used  is  a  lure, 
known  as  boro  (Fig.  21).  A  live  minnow  is  fastened  at  the  end  of  the 
rod  near  to  a  rattan  noose.  A  cord  running  from  the  noose  to  the  end 
of  the  stick  allows  the  fisherman  to  draw  up  the  noose  as  he  desires. 
The  struggles  of  the  captive  fish  soon  attract  others,  and  when  one 
enters  the  loop  the  line  is  drawn  taut,  securely  binding  the  intruder. 
Several  fish  can  be  taken  from  a  single  pool  by  this  method.  A  berry 
(anamirta  cocculus  L.)  is  used  in  the  capture  of  fish.  It  is  crushed  to  a 
powder,  is  wrapped  with  vines  and  leaves,  and  is  thrown  into  pools. 
The  fish  become  stupified  and  float  to  the  surface  where  they  are  easily 
captured.     After  being  cooked  they  are  eaten  without  any  ill  effects. 


OCCUPATIONS. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  some  of  the  daily  occupations  of 
the  people.  We  have  found  the  women  caring  for  the  home  and  prepar- 
ing the  rice  and  other  foods  which  are  served  in  the  house.  At  no  time 
did  the  writer  see  a  man,  other  than  a  slave,  take  any  part  in  such 
household  duties;  but  when  on  the  trail  each  would  do  his  share  in 
preparing  the  meals.  In  the  village  we  found  the  women  and  children 
carrying  the  water  and  wood  and,  at  rare  intervals,  doing  laundry  work. 
Instead  of  soaping  and  rubbing  soiled  clothing,  they  soak  the  garments 
in  water,  then  place  them  on  stones  and  beat  them  with  wooden  paddles 
or  clubs.  The  articles  are  alternately  soaked  and  beaten  until  at  least 
a  part  of  the  dirt  has  been  removed.  It  is  also  the  privilege  of  any 
woman  to  engage  in  the  manufacture  of  basketry,  or  to  act  as  a  potter. 

1  Along  the  coast  the  methods  of  the  Christianized  natives  are  used  in  salt  water 
fishing. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       j$ 


76       Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

1 


I 


q 


« 


fig.   20.     (Left) 
Four-Pointed  Fish  Spear. 


Fig.  21.     'Right) 
Fish    Lure. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       77 


FIG.    23. 


FIG.    24. 

Types  of  weaving   used 


in   basketry. 


lation   to    it    throughout    the    entire 


In  the  manufacture  of  baskets 
the  woman  makes  use  chiefly  of 
bamboo  and  rattan,  though  other 
materials,  such  as  pandanus  are 
sometimes  brought  into  service. 
Three  weaves  or  their  variants 
are  employed.  The  first  is  the 
common  diagonal  or  twilled 
weave,  in  which  each  element  of 
the  weft  passes  over  two  or  more 
of  the  warp  elements.  In  this 
way  most  of  the  rice  winnowers, 
transportation  baskets,  knife 
sheaths,  and  the  like  are  made. 
In  the  second  weave  (Fig.  22), 
the  foundation  of  the  basket  is 
made  up  of  parallel  horizontal 
rods,  or  strips  of  bamboo.  These 
are  laced  together  by  warp  strips 
which  pass  alternately  under  one 
and  over  one  of  the  foundation 
rods,  crossing  each  other  at  an 
angle,  one  above  the  other  below 
the  rod.  The  trinket  baskets 
carried  by  the  women,  the  larger 
waterproof  receptacles  known  as 
bindta,  and  the  covers  for  wild 
chicken  snares  are  in  this  technic. 
A  variant  of  this  weave  is  found 
in  the  rattan  carrying  frames  and 
in  some  fish  traps  (Fig  23) .  Here 
the  warp  strips  cross  one  another 
at  an  angle,  at  each  meeting  place 
enclosing  the  horizontal  founda- 
tion strips.  Unlike  the  second 
weave  described,  the  warp  strips 
do  not  pass  alternately  above 
and  below  the  horizontal  founda- 
tion, but  retain  the  same  re- 
length   of  each  strip.     A  coiled 


weave  (Fig.  24)  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  tobacco  boxes  (Plate  XIX) 


78      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


and  in  the  rims  of  women's  baskets.  In  this  type  the  foundation 
(.•onsists  of  a  series  of  horizontal  rattan  strips  or  rods  which  are  sewed 
together  in  the  following  manner.  A  narrow  strip  .1  passes  over  two 
of  these  parallel  rods  2  and  3  in  a  left  handed  spiral.  At  the  top  of  the 
loop  the  strip  passes  under  a  similar  strip  B  which  binds  rod  2  to  the 
one  above.  Passing  downward  inside  the  basket,  the  strip  .4  goes 
beneath  the  strip  C  which  binds  rods  3  and  4  together.  These  are 
drawn  tightly  while  damp,  thus  forcing  the  foundation  rods  so  closely 
together  as  to  make  the  basket  practically  water-tight.  Pitch  from  the 
tabon-tabon  nuts  may  also  be  rubbed  over  the  outside  surface,  thus 
making  the  receptacle  impervious  to  water. 

In  the  great  majority  of  baskets  the  surface  is  divided  into  three 
parallel  zones  or  decorative  bands.  These  are  produced  by  making  a 
slight  variation  in  the  weave,  by  the  use  of  blackened  strips  of  bamboo 
and  rattan,  or  by  substituting  in  their  place  the  black  cuticle  of  a  fern. 

As  a  rule  the  women  of  this  tribe  are  not  good  potters  and  take  little 
pride  in  their  work.  In  some  districts  the  art  has  been  entirely  lost,  and 
the  people  depend  on  the  coast  natives  for  their  cooking  utensils.  At 
the  village  of  Bansalan  the  women  were  found  still  to  be  proficient  in 
their  work.  After  the  dampened  clay  had  been  carefully  kneaded  in 
order  to  remove  lumps  and  gravel,  the  bottom  of  the  jar  was  moulded 
with  the  fingers  and  placed  on  a  dish  which  was  turned  on  a  bit  of  cloth 
or  a  board  and  answered  the  purpose  of  a  potter's  wheel.  As  the  dish 
was  turned  with  the  right  hand  the  operator  shaped  the  clay  with  the 
fingers  of  the  left  adding  fresh  strips  of  material  from  time  to  time  until 
the  desired  size  was  obtained.  The  final  shaping  was  done  with  a 
wooden  paddle  and  the  jar  was  allowed  to  dry,  after  which  it  was 
smoothed  off  with  a  stone.  When  ready  for  firing  it  was  placed  in  the 
midst  of  a  pile  of  rubbish,  over  which  green  leaves  were  placed  to  cause 
a  slowT  fire. 

Other  dishes  are  made  by  splitting  a  cocoanut  in  half  and  removing 
the  "meat."  This  is  readily  accomplished  by  the  use  of  a  scraper 
fitted  with  a  rough  iron  blade  (Fig.  25),  over  which  the  concave  side  of 
the  half  nut  is  drawn.     The  cocoanut  meat  is  used  for  food  and  oil. 


ut  Scraper. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       79 

A  little  later  we  shall  describe  the  active  part  woman  takes  in  the 
planting  and  care  of  the  fields,  but  now  we  shall  take  up  in  some  detail 
the  industry  in  which  she  stands  pre-eminent,  the  preparation  and 
weaving  of  hemp. 

The  hemp  ordinarily  stripped  by  the  men  is  considered  too  fine  to  be 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  clothing,  so  a  smaller  stripping  device  is 
employed  by  the  woman  (Plate  XX).  On  this  she  cleans  the  outer 
layers  of  the  hemp  stalk,  from  which  a  stronger  and  coarser  thread  can 
be  obtained.  The  fiber  is  tied  in  a  continuous  thread  and  is  wound 
onto  a  reel.  The  warp  threads  are  measured  on  sharpened  sticks 
driven  into  a  hemp  or  banana  stalk,  and  are  then  transferred  to  a 
rectangular  frame  (Plate  XXI).  The  operator,  with  the  final  pattern 
in  mind,  overties  or  wraps  with  waxed  threads,  such  portions  of  the 
warp  as  she  desires  to  remain  white  in  the  completed  garment.  So 
carefully  does  she  wrap  these  sections,  that,  when  the  thread  is  removed 
from  the  frame  and  placed  in  the  liquid  dye,  no  portion  of  the  coloring 
matter  penetrates  to  the  portions  thus  protected.  If  a  red  color  is 
desired  the  root  of  the  sikarig1  palm  is  scraped  and  the  scrapings  placed 
in  bark  vats  filled  with  cold  water.  The  thread  is  first  washed  in, 
and  is  later  boiled  with  the  dye  for  a  half  hour,  after  which  it  is  placed 
in  a  basket  to  drain  and  dry.  The  process  is  repeated  daily  for  about 
two  weeks,  or  until  the  thread  assumes  a  brick  red  color.  If  a  purple 
hue  is  desired  a  little  lime  is  added  to  the  dye.  Black  is  obtained  by  a 
slightly  different  method.  The  leaves,  root,  and  bark  of  the  pinarrEm 
tree  are  crushed  in  water.  This  yields  a  black  liquor  which  is  poured 
into  a  jar  containing  the  thread  and  the  whole  is  placed  over  a  slow  fire 
where  it  remains  until  the  liquid  is  near  the  boiling  point.  When  this 
is  reached  the  thread  is  removed  and  placed  in  a  gourd,  the  open  end 
of  which  fits  over  the  jar  so  as  to  catch  the  steam  coming  from  the  dye. 
After  a  time  the  thread  is  removed  and  dried,  and  the  process  is  repeated 
until  at  last  a  permanent  black  is  obtained.  After  the  coloring  is  com- 
plete the  thread  is  again  placed  on  the  rectangular  frame,  the  over- 
tying  is  removed  and  the  warp  is  ready  for  the  loom  (Plate  XXII  .) 
In  the  loom  (Plate  XXIII)  the  threads  encircle  a  bamboo  pole  attached 
to  the  wall,  and  are  held  tense  by  a  strap  which  passes  around  the 
waist  of  the  operator.  The  weft  threads  are  forced  up  against  the 
fabric  by  means  of  the  comber  board  and  are  beaten  in  with  a  baton. 
The  warp  threads  are  held  in  their  relative  positions,  first  by  the  comber 
board,  second  by  loops  which  pass  under  the  lower  threads  and  over  a 

1  Morinda  Bracteata  Roxb. 

2  Woof  threads  are  generally  of  one  color.     A  somewhat  similar  process  used 
in  Java  is  described  by  Sir  Thos.  Raffles  in  The  History  of  Java,  Vol.  I,  p.  189. 


So      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History     Axtil,  Vol.  XII. 

small  stick  or  lease  rod,  and  lastly  by  passing  over  and  under,  or  around, 
other  lease  rods.     These  are  rolled  away  as  the  work  progresses. 

After  the  cloth  is  removed  from  the  loom  it  is  polished.  A  long  pole 
of  palma  brava  is  fitted  into  a  notch  in  the  roof.  The  operator  seats 
herself  on  the  floor  with  a  smooth  board  before  her,  or  in  her  lap,  and 
on  it  places  the  dampened  cloth.  A  shell  is  fitted  over  the  lower  end 
of  the  pole,  which  is  bent  and  made  bowlike,  until  the  shell  rests  on 
the  cloth.  It  is  then  ironed  rapidly  to  and  fro  until  the  fabric  has 
received  a  high  polish  (Plate  XXIV). 

The  woman's  duties  do  not  end  with  the  manufacture  of  cloth,  for 
all  the  garments  worn  by  the  members  of  the  tribe  are  the  result  of  her 
handiwork.  She  sews  the  strips  of  hemp  cloth  into  skirts,  men's 
trousers,  carrying  bags,  and  sometimes  into  jackets.  The  women 
devote  hours  of  labor  to  these  jackets,  covering  arms,  necks,  and  waist 
bands  with  colored  embroidery  or  designs  in  applique,  while  on  the  better 
garments  they  place  elaborate  designs  in  beads  or  shell  disks. 

After  the  evening  meal  is  over  the  women  of  the  household  gather 
around  the  flickering  lights,  and  until  far  into  the  night  work  on  these 
garments,  bead  necklaces,  or  other  ornaments. 

Only  a  few  of  the  weavers  attempt  to  make  the  peculiar  chocolate- 
colored  head  covering  worn  by  the  magani.  For  these  kerchiefs  the 
woman  weaves  a  square  cotton  cloth  of  the  desired  size,  and  at  one 
corner  attaches  a  small  brass  hook.  Joined  to  the  hook,  by  means  of 
a  chain,  is  a  loop  which  fits  over  the  toes  of  the  operator,  thus  enabling 
her  to  keep  the  fabric  taut  while  her  hands  are  left  free  for  work.  Small 
sections  of  this  cloth  are  raised  and  are  wrapped  with  waxed  thread,  so 
that  when  the  fabric  is  dyed  these  portions  will  not  receive  the  coloring 
matter  (Plate  XXV).  Later  the  overtying  is  removed,  leaving  small 
white  rings  or  squares  on  a  chocolate-colored  background.  These 
cloths  are  meant  primarily  for  the  warriors,  but  expert  weavers,  who 
are  under  the  protection  of  a  certain  powerful  spirit,  are  also  permitted 
to  wear  an  upper  garment  of  this  material. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  man's  time  is  consumed  in  preparation 
for,  or  actual  participation  in,  hunting  or  warfare,  but  in  addition  to 
this  he  does  a  goodly  portion  of  the  work  in  the  fields,  and  is  the  house 
builder.  When  a  man  is  about  to  erect  a  dwelling  he  notifies  his  friends 
to  come  and  aid  him.  This  they  will  do  without  pay,  but  when  in  need 
of  similar  services  they  will  expect  and  will  receive  similar  help.  All 
sorts  of  house-furnishings,  such  as  spoons,  meat  blocks,  or  rice  mortars, 
are  made  by  the  man,  and  not  infrequently,  he  assists  in  the  making  or 
waterproofing  of  baskets.     A  few  of  the  old  men  of  Cibolan  still  engage 


September,   191 3.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.        81 


in  the  manufacture  of  small  shell  disks  with  which  valuable  suits  are 
decorated,  but  the  greater  part  of  those  now  in  use  have  been  inherited, 
or  are  purchased  from  neighboring  peoples.  The  men  carve  beads  out 
of  "Job's  tears"''  and  make  them  into  necklaces.  For  this  purpose  a 
peculiarly  carved  and  decorated  stick  is  employed  (Plate  XXVI).  This 
is  placed  in  the  palm  of  the  left  hand  so  that  the  thumb  and  forefinger 
can  hold  the  seed  which  fits  into  a  depression  in  the  top.  A  knife  in  the 
right  hand  of  the  artist  is  worked  over  the  seed  thus  cutting  a  line  into 
which  dirt  is  rubbed.  Women's  combs  are  made  by  shaping  a  half 
circle  out  of  light  wood  and  then  cutting  teeth  into  it  with  a  saw-like 
blade  of  tin  or  iron. 

Among  the  men,  as  with  the  women,  certain  industries  are  monop- 
olized by  a  few  individuals.  In  this  community  no  men  stand  higher 
in  the  estimation  of  their  fellows  than  do  the  smiths  and  the  casters 
of  copper.  The  writer  spent  many  hours  watching  To,  the  brass  and 
copper  worker  of  Cibolan,  while  he  shaped  bells,  bracelets,  and  betel 
boxes  at  his  forge  on  the  outskirts  of  the  village  (Plate  XXVII).  Fea- 
thered plungers,  which  worked  up  and  down  in  two  bamboo  cylinders, 
forced  air  through  a  small  clay-tipped  tube  into  a  charcoal  fire.  This 
served  as  a  bellows,  while  a  small  cup  made  of  strawr  ashes  formed  an 
excellent  crucible.  The  first  day  I  watched  To,  he  was  making  bells. 
Taking  a  ball  of  wax  the  size  of  a  bucket  shot,  he  put  it  on  the  end  of  a 
stick  (Fig.  26a),  and  over  this  moulded  the  form  of  a  bell  in  damp 
ashes  obtained  from  rice  straw  (b).  When  several  bells  were  thus 
fashioned  they  were  dipped  in  melted  wax  and  were  turned  on  a  leaf 
until  smooth,  after  which  an  opening  was  cut  through  the  wax  at  the 
bottom  of  each  form  (c).  Strips  of  wax  were  rolled  out  and  laid  in 
shallow  grooves  which  had  been  cut  in  the  sides  of  the  bells  and  wen- 
pressed  in,  at  intervals,  with 
a  small  bamboo  knife  (d). 
The  top  stick  was  then  with- 
drawn, leaving  an  opening 
down  to  the  wax  ball  inside. 
Into  this  hole  a  thin  strip  of 
wax  was  inserted  and  was 
doubled  back  on  itself  so  as 
to  form  a  hanger  (e) .  For 
three  days  the  forms  were 
■^  E  allowed  to  harden  and  then 

FIG.    26.  .   , 

stages  in  the  manufacture  of  metal  bells,    werecovered    with    several 
1  Coix  lachryma  Jobi  L. 


n 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


HG.   2b. 

STAGE    IN    THE    MANUFACTURE 

OF   METAL    BELLS. 


coats  of  damp  straw  ashes.  Finally  they 
were  laid  in  a  bed  of  the  same  material 
with  a  thin  strip  of  wax  leading  from 
each  bell  to  a  central  core  (f).  The 
whole,  with  the  exception  of  the  top  of 
the  central  wax  strip,  was  covered  with 
a  thick  coating  of  damp  ashes,  and  when 
this  had  hardened  pieces  of  copper,  se- 
cured from  broken  gongs,  were  placed  in 
the  crucible,  melted  and  poured  into  the 
open  end  of  the  clay  form.  The  molten 
metal  took  the  place  of  the  wax  as  it 
was  dissolved  and  flowed  to  all  parts 
where  it  had  been.  After  being  dropped 
in  water  the  form  was  broken  open,  re- 
vealing six  nearly  perfect  little  bells 
which  were  ready  for  use  as  soon  as  the 
ashes  were  removed  from  them.  The 
same  method  was  used  for  all  other  cast- 
ing. Clay  forms  were  made  as  desired, 
were  covered  with  wax,  and  the  final 
coating  of  ashes  applied  before  the  casting.  The  workers  in  copper 
and  brass  are  under  the  care  and  guidance  of  a  spirit,  Tolus  ka  towangan, 
for  whom  they  make  a  yearly  ceremony,  Gomek  towangan. 

Of  even  greater  importance  are  the  smiths  who  are  also  under  the 
care  of  a  powerful  spirit  for  whom  the  Gomek- gomanan  ceremony  is 
celebrated  each  year,  just  prior  to  the  planting  time.  Their  forges  are 
hidden  away  in  the  hemp  fields,  and  I  was  repeatedly  informed  that  no 
woman  might  see  the  smith  at  work.  Whether  or  no  such  a  rule  is 
rigidly  enforced  at  all  times  I  cannot  say,  but  at  no  time  did  I  see  a 
woman  about  the  forge  while  the  fire  was  burning,  and  although  I  was 
allowed  to  see  and  photograph  the  process,  my  wife  was  at  all  times 
prevented  from  doing  so.  The  forge  differs  in  no  material  respects 
from  that  used  by  the  brass  casters,  except  that  hollowed  out  logs 
replace  the  bamboo  tubes,  and  that  a  metal  anvil  and  iron  hammers 
are  used.  After  an  iron  knife  or  spear  head  has  been  roughly  shaped, 
the  smith  splits  the  edge  to  a  slight  depth  and  inserts  a  band  of  steel. 
The  iron  is  pounded  down  on  the  harder  metal  and  the  whole  is  brought 
to  a  white  heat  in  the  charcoal  fire.  Removing  it  to  the  anvil  the 
smith  gives  the  blade  one  or  two  light  blows  and  returns  it  to  the  fire. 
This  is  repeated  many  times  before  he  begins  to  add  the  heavy  strokes 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       83 

which  finally  weld  the  iron  and  steel  together.  The  blade  having 
been  given  its  final  shape  is  again  heated  and  is  held  above  a  tube  of 
water  until  the  glowing  metal  begins  to  turn  a  yellowish  green,  when  it 
is  plunged  into  the  cold  water.  This  process,  repeated  many  times, 
gives  a  fair  temper  to  the  whole  weapon.  Charcoal  for  the  fire  is 
secured  by  burning  logs  and  chilling  them  suddenly  with  cold  water. 

Brass  wire,  secured  in  trade,  is  made  into  bracelets  in  the  following 
manner.  In  order  to  soften  it  and  make  it  more  easily  worked  the  roll 
of  wire  is  heated  until  it  begins  to  turn  grey,  when  it  is  allowed  to  cool 
and  is  scraped,  so  as  to  restore  the  yellow  color.  One  end  is  laid  on  an 
anvil  made  of  an  iron  strip  on  a  wooden  block  (Plate  XXVIII),  and  is 
cut  into  various  designs  by  means  of  metal  dies.  A  wooden  cone  is 
used  as  a  form,  about  which  the  wire  is  placed  in  order  to  shape  and 
measure  it. 

Hemp1  grows  wild  in  the  Davao  District  and  the  Bagobo  have,  for 
generations,  used  it  in  the  manufacture  of  their  clothing.  In  recent 
years  the  demand  for  fiber  has  shown  the  people  an  easy  way  to  secure 
the  trade  articles  which  they  desire  and,  as  a  result,  rather  extensive 
plantings  are  found  even  in  the  more  remote  districts.  The  women 
strip  a  large  part  of  the  fiber  in  local  use,  but  all  that  prepared  for  trade 
is  produced  by  the  men.  When  the  ever-present  cogon  grass  begins  to 
invade  a  clearing,  the  young  hemp  is  planted.  In  about  eighteen 
months  it  has  grown  to  a  height  of  some  sixteen  feet  and  is  ready  to 
be  cut.  The  man  goes  to  the  fields,  cuts  down  some  stalks  and,  having 
removed  the  leaves,  splits  off  the  outer  fiber  layers  from  the  cellular 
matter  of  the  interior,  using  a  bone  knife  for  this  purpose.  When  he 
has  accumulated  a  sufficient  number  of  strips  he  carries  them  to  the 
hemp  machine  (Fig.  27).  This  consists  of  a  knife  which  rests  on  a 
wooden  block.  The  handle  turns  on  a  pivot  and  the  end  is  drawn 
upwards  by  means  of  a  bent  twig,  or  sapling,  which  acts  as  a  spring. 
This  spring  is  lowered  and  the  knife  blade  raised  by  means  of  a  foot 
treadle ;  a  strip  of  hemp  is  laid  on  the  block ;  the  foot  pressure  is  removed, 
and  the  knife  descends.  Taking  a  firm  hold  of  one  end  of  the  strip,  the 
operator  draws  it  toward  him  under  the  blade,  thus  removing  the  pulp 
and  leaving  the  free  hemp  threads.  These  are  hung  in  the  sun  until 
dry,  when  they  are  tied  in  bundles  ready  to  be  carried  to  the  coast. 
The  work  is  hard  and,  unless  necessity  forces  him  to  greater  effort, 
a  man  seldom  engages  in  it  for  more  than  three  or  four  days  in  a  month. 
He  thinks  his  duty  ceases  with  this  expenditure  of  energy  and,   unless 

1  Musa  textilis. 


34       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Axth.,  Vol.  XII. 


FIG.    27. 

HEMP     MACHINE 


FIG.    28. 

Sugar  Cane  press 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District— Coee.       85 

he  is  fortunate  enough  to  possess  animals  or  slaves,  is  quite  content  to 
allow  his  wife,  or  wives,  to  carry  the  product  to  the  coast  trader. 

During  ceremonies  and  at  festivals  a  fermented  drink  made  of  sugar 
cane  is  served,  and  in  anticipation  of  its  pleasurable  effects  the  Bagobo 
is  willing  to  expend  a  considerable  amount  of  effort.  The  juice  of  the 
cane  is  extracted  by  means  of  a  press  made  of  two  logs  arranged  in 
parallel  horizontal  positions,  so  that  the  end  of  a  wooden  lever  can  slip 
under  one  and  rest  in  a  groove  cut  in  the  other  (Fig.  28).  The  cane  is 
placed  in  the  groove  and  the  operator  bears  his  weight  on  the  lever, 
thus  squeezing  out  the  juice.  After  being  boiled  with  the  bark  of 
certain  trees  and  lime  juice,  the  liquor  is  sealed  in  jars  or  bamboo  tubes 
and  is  stored  away  until  needed. 

The  sago  palm  is  found  in  parts  of  the  Bagobo  territory,  and  in 
times  of  need,  the  people  make  temporary  camps  near  to  the  sago 
districts,  where  they  prepare  the  flour.  This  is  done  in  the  same 
manner  as  is  fully  described  on  page  140. 

The  most  important  thing  in  the  life  of  the  Bagobo  is  the  care  of  the 
rice,  for  on  this  crop  he  depends  for  the  greater  part  of  his  food  supply, 
and  by  its  condition  he  can  ascertain  with  what  favor  he  is  looked 
upon  by  the  spirits.  So  closely  is  the  cultivation  of  this  cereal  coupled 
with  the  religious  beliefs  that  it  is  necessary,  in  this  relation,  to  describe 
the  ceremonies  connected  with  it. 

We  have  previously  stated  that  the  incursion  of  the  cogon  grass  into 
the  fields  makes  necessary  some  new  clearings  each  year.  In  the 
month  of  December  a  constellation  known  as  Balatik  appears  in  the 
sky.  This  has  a  double  significance;  first,  it  is  the  reminder  for  the 
yearly  sacrifice;  and  secondly,  it  notifies  all  workers  that  the  tools, 
which  are  to  be  used  in  making  new  clearings,  shall  be  placed  in  readi- 
ness. All  those  who  expect  to  prepare  new  fields  for  themselves,  or  are 
to  assist  others  in  such  work,  gather  at  the  forge  of  the  local  smith  and 
there  take  part  in  a  ceremony  held  in  honor  of  his  patron  spirit.  They 
carry  with  them  offerings  of  rice  and  chickens  which  they  cook  in 
bamboo  tubes,  for  food  taken  from  a  pot  is  not  acceptable  to  this 
spirit.  When  all  is  ready  the  food  is  placed  on  a  rice  winnower,  near 
to  the  forge,  and  on  it  the  men  lay  their  weapons  and  working  knives 
(Plate  XXIX).  Standing  before  the  offering  the  smith,  in  a  droning 
voice,  calls  on  the  spirit,  beseeching  him  to  come  and  eat  of  the  food,  to 
accept  the  weapons  and  tools,  and  having  done  so  to  be  watchful  over 
the  workers  during  the  clearing  time,  so  that  they  may  not  be  injured 
in  the  work  or  be  molested  by  enemies.  The  prayer  finished,  the 
smith  eats  a  little  of  the  food,  and  all  the  men  follow  his  example,  but 


86      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

no  woman  may  so  much  as  touch  this  offering.  Meanwhile  other  food 
which  can  be  eaten  by  all  has  been  prepared.  After  the  meal 
the  weapons  and  tools  which  are  to  be  used  during  the  clearing  time 
are  removed,  but,  as  they  now  belong  to  the  spirit,  they  can  never  be 
disposed  of  without  first  recompensing  him.  During  this  day  there  is 
a  strict  prohibition  against  music  and  dancing.  For  three  days  the 
men  abstain  from  work  and  the  forge  stands  idle.  When  the  fire  is 
again  lighted  the  first  knife  made  is  the  property  of  the  spirit. 

With  the  ending  of  the  period  of  taboo  the  workers  go  to  the  fields 
and,  in  the  center  of  each,  place  a  tambara1  fitted  with  a  white  dish 
containing  betel  nut.  This  is  an  offering  to  Eugpamolak  Manobo, 
who  is  besought  to  drive  from  the  field  any  tigbanawa  or  tagamaling' 
who  may  live  there,  to  keep  the  workers  in  good  health,  to  allow  an 
abundant  crop,  and,  finally,  to  make  the  owner  rich  and  happy.  Tie 
weeds,  brush,  and  trees,  after  being  cut  and  allowed  to  dry  are  fired, 
while  the  logs  remaining  after  this  initial  burning  are  piled  together 
and  again  set  on  fire,  and  the  field  is  ready  for  the  planting.  No  soil 
is  broken  and  not  a  seed  goes  into  the  ground  until  the  spirits  again 
designate  the  time,  by  placing  the  constellation  Marara  in  the  sky. 
This  appears  early  in  April,  and  is  followed  by  a  period  of  great  activity 
in  the  fields.  If,  for  any  reason,  the  owner  of  the  land  cannot  plant 
at  this  time,  he  has  two  or  more  opportunities  given  him  when  the 
constellations  Mamari  and  Bwaya  appear,  the  latter  toward  the  end 
of  June. 

When  the  workers  go  to  the  field  on  the  day  set  for  the  planting  they 
enter  at  one  corner  and  proceed  directly  across  it  to  the  far  left  hand 
corner  where  they  erect  a  small  house  or  place  a  tambara  which  is  known 
as  pEmEg'ge.  As  soon  as  it  is  complete,  the  maballan  begin  to  call 
on  the  spirits.  Manama3  is  called  first  and  after  him  other  spirits, 
according  to  their  rank  and  power.  They  are  informed  that  the 
planting  is  about  to  begin  and  that  the  people  are  showing  them  this 
mark  of  respect  so  that  they  will  not  allow  anything  to  interfere  with 
the  crop.  This  done,  they  go  to  the  center  of  the  field  and  place  a 
second  tambara,  called  parobaman,  for  the  spirit  Taragomi,  who  owns 
all  food.  Leaves  pleasing  to  him  and  presents  of  food  or  bracelets  are 
placed  in  it,  as  well  as  in  his  tambara  found  in  the  house.  The  owner 
of  the  field  takes  the  malayag,  a  large  variety  of  rice,  and  plants  it 

1  See  p.  66,  Fig.  12. 

2  Evil  spirits  which  are  classed  with  the  buso.     See  p.  107. 

3  Eugpamolak  Manobo. 

4  At  Cibolan  only  brass  objects  are  placed  in  this  tambara. 


September,  1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       87 

around  the  parobatnan,1  and  as  the  last  grain  is  planted  the  mabalian 
again  starts  her  prayer,  this  time  beginning  with  Taragomi.  She 
asks  for  good  crops,  and  protec- 
tion for  the  field  from  all  animals, 
blight  and  drought.  Finally,  she 
begs  Eugpamolak  Manobo  to  con- 
trol the  sun  and  winds  so  that  they 
will  always  be  favorable  to  the 
growing  grain.  Having  thus  done 
all  in  their  power  to  secure  the  co- 
operation of  the  superior  beings  the 
men  take  their  rice  planters  and  real 
work  begins.2  The  planter  (Fig.  29) 
consists  of  a  long  shaft  at  one  end 
of  which  is  a  metal  blade  while  at 
the  other  is  a  bamboo  clapper  dec- 
orated with  feathers.  When  this 
instrument  is  struck  on  the  ground 
it  digs  a  shallow  hole  an  inch   or 


more  in  depth,  the  clapper  mean- 
while keeping  up  an  incessant  noise. 
It  is  said  by  some  that  the  rattle  is 
intended  to  please  the  guardian 
spirit  of  the  fields,  but  this  does  not 
seem  to  be  the  prevalent  idea.  The 
women  follow  the  men,  dropping 
seeds  into  the  holes  and  pushing 
the  soil  over  them  with  their  feet. 

1  At  Digos  the  mabalian  does  the  plant- 
ing and  harvesting  about  the  tambara,  and 
the  rice  grown  there  is  reserved  as  seed  for 
the  next  season. 

2  Father  Gisbert  relates  that  it  is  the 
custom  to  sacrifice  a  slave  at  this  time, 
but  this  is  denied  by  the  data  consulted  by 
the  writer.    See  letters  of  Father  Gisbert 

RBambooANC la pTIr       »\ Blair  and  Robertson,  The  Philippine 
attached  to  Top.        Islands,  Vol.  XLIII,  pp.  233-4. 


ss       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

At  nightfall  of  the  day  in  which  the  planting  has  been  completed  a 
mabalian  cooks  lish  and  rice,  which  she  carries  to  the  parobanian. 
Early  next  morning  the  family  goes  to  the  field  and  eats  this  offering 
which  "belongs  to  Taragomi,  so  should  be  eaten  at  his  house."  From 
this  time  until  harvest  the  fields  must  be  guarded  against  birds  and 
animals,  but  no  further  offerings  take  place  unless  unusual  conditions 
should  satisfy  the  owner  that  the  spirits  are  demanding  more  gifts. 
When  harvest  time  comes  the  owner  and  a  few  of  his  friends  wTill  go  to 
the  field  and  pull  a  few  of  the  fresh  stalks,  which  they  place  in  the 
pEmEg'ge  and  parobanian,  meanwhile  addressing  the  spirits,  and  the 
cutting  of  the  rice  begins.  This  is  done  by  women  who,  for  this  purpose, 
employ  a  small  knife  called  gElat  (Plate  XXTXd).  The  last  grain  to 
be  cut  is  that  about  the  parobanian.  The  mabalian  cooks  a  little  of  the 
new  rice  in  the  house  and  places  a  part  of  it  in  the  various  tambara  and 
shrines;  then,  having  placed  a  number  of  rice  stalks  on  the  floor,  she 
offers  them  one  by  one  to  the  spirits.  Not  until  she  has  finished  can 
any  of  the  prepared  food  be  eaten.  The  balance  of  the  crop  lies  in  the 
sun  until  dry,  when  it  is  tied  in  bundles  and  placed  in  the  granary. 

When  all  the  harvesting  is  finished  the  people  will  make  a  festival 
known  as  Gatokbia-an,  or  Pakakaro.  Ordinarily  each  family  will  have 
its  own  celebration,  but  at  times  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  village  will 
join  in  one  great  celebration.  The  period  of  toil  and  doubt  is  past,  the 
food  supply  is  assured,  and  the  people  gather  to  give  thanks.  No  New 
England  Thanksgiving  dinner  is  prepared  with  greater  thought,  or 
less  regard  for  expense,  than  that  which  is  made  ready  at  this  time. 
The  finest  of  the  rice,  cocoanuts,  eggs,  chickens,  fish,  shrimps,  and  many 
other  edibles  are  prepared  and  placed  in  certain  dishes  which  are 
dedicated  to  the  spirits  and  are  used  only  at  this  time.  These  plates 
are  arranged  in  a  row  in  the  center  of  the  room  and  the  mabalian  gather 
around  them.  Taking  a  wand  of  sandal  wood  in  her  hand  one  of  the 
number  waves  it  over  the  offerings,  while  she  chants  long  prayers. 
Beginning  with  the  most  powerful,  she  addresses  the  spirits  one  by  one, 
thanking  them  for  the  care  they  have  given  to  the  growing  grain  and 
to  the  laborers,  and  for  the  bounteous  harvest.  Frequently  individuals 
will  interrupt  the  proceedings  to  place  near  to  the  mabalian  a  fine  knife 
or  some  other  prized  object  which  they  desire  to  have  presented  to  the 
spirits  as  evidence  of  their  gratitude.  At  first,  it  is  a  little  hard  to 
understand  this  lavishness,  but  it  transpires  that  the  former  owners 
still  have  possession  of  these  objects,  and  that  the  spirits  offer  no 
objections  to  their  use,  so  long  as  their  ownership  is  not  disputed,  truly 
a  case  of  eating  the  pie  but  still  having  it. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — -Cole.        89 

The  knives  and  other  implements  which  have  been  used  in  the 
fields  are  laid  on  a  large  basket  filled  with  rice,  "in  order  that  they  may 
eat,  and,  therefore,  have  no  cause  to  injure  their  owners."  Another 
large  dish  of  rice  is  set  aside  as  a  special  offering.  In  some  cases  this 
is  taken  out  to  the  fields,  where  it  is  eaten  by  the  wife,  or  wives  of  the 
host;  but  in  Cibolan  it  is  kept  in  the  house  until  the  next  morning, 
when  it  is  eaten  by  all  the  members  of  the  family.  The  ceremonial 
eating  of  this  rice  causes  the  supply  to  last  longer  and  assures  abundant 
rains  for  the  succeeding  crop.  Part  of  the  food  from  the  dishes  is 
placed  in  the  tambara  and  shrines,  and  then  all  the  guests  are  permitted 
to  feast  and  make  merry.  Unlike  most  Bagobo  ceremonies  this  one 
lacks  the  music  of  the  agongs,'  for  only  bamboo  guitars,  flutes,  and  the 
bolang-bolang  are  permitted  at  this  time.  The  last  named  instrument 
is  made  by  placing  a  board  on  a  rice  mortar;  the  women  gather  around 
it  with  their  wooden  pestles  and  beat  a  rythmical  tattoo.  This  con- 
cludes the  festival  proper,  but  many  guests  will  remain  for  two  or  three 
days  to  enjoy  the  hospitality  of  their  host. 

On  the  third  morning  after  the  festival  the  familv  and  some  friends 


'6 


will  celebrate  BagkEs  "the  tying  together."  The  dishes  in  which  food 
was  offered  are  tied  together  and  are  carried  to  the  rice  field  where, 
with  great  solemnity,  the  little  dish  in  the  parobanlan  is  removed  and 
placed  among  the  others,  while  the  people  tell  it  that  the  other  plates 
have  come  to  take  it  away,  but  that  it  will  be  returned  to  its  home  the 
following  year.  The  family  goes  back  to  the  village  in  silence  and  after 
tying  all  the  dishes  together  place  them  in  the  rice  granary. 

In  the  Bagobo  settlement  at  Digos,  the  women  hold  still  another 
festival  following  the  cutting  of  the  rice.  This  is  known  as  Gomeng 
ka  taragomi,  or  bitinbagdybe.  In  the  main  it  resembles  the  ceremony 
of  similar  name,  which  the  women  of  Malilla  hold  on  the  second  day 
of  GlnEm  (See  page  1 1 1).  A  bamboo  pole  decked  with  leaves  and  green 
fruit  of  the  areca  palm  is  placed  in  the  center  of  a  room  and  is  surrounded 
with  cooked  food.  After  this  has  been  offered  to  the  spirits,  it  is  eaten 
by  the  guests  who  then  indulge  in  dancing  about  the  decorated  pole. 
This  generally  lasts  eight  days,  but  in  one  instance  the  festivities  con- 
tinued for  sixteen  days  and  nights.  The  explanation  given  is  that 
"the  women  wish  to  show  Taragomi  and  the  Xitos  (anttos)  how  happy 
they  are  because  of  the  good  harvest,  for  when  they  see  this  they  will 
be  pleased  and  will  help  again  next  year." 

1  Copper  gongs. 


90      Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

TRANSPORTATION   AND   TRADE. 

The  Bagobo  makes  no  use  of  boats  or  rafts,  for  until  recent  times  he 
has  lived  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  sea;  and  the  rivers,  which 
flow  in  deep  canons,  may  be  changed  in  a  day  from  tiny  streams  to 
rushing  torrents  in  which  no  craft  could  keep  afloat.  Deft  to  his  own 
devices,  he  pays  little  attention  to  trails,  but  cuts  his  way  through 
the  underbrush  directly  to  his  destination.  The  government  has  forced 
him  to  clear  and  maintain  several  fairly  good  roads  between  the  larger 
settlements  and  the  coast,  and  these  are  now  the  highways  over  which 
he  transports  his  hemp  and  other  trade  articles.  Quite  a  number  of 
carabao  and  horses  are  to  be  found  in  the  territory,  where  they  are  used 
as  pack  and  riding  animals.  Both  men  and  women  are  excellent  riders 
and  take  great  pride  in  the  decoration  of  their  mounts.  The  saddle 
used  is  carved  from  wood,  in  exact  duplication  of  those  used  by  the 
Spaniards.  The  copper  bits  are  also  copies,  but  are  of  native  casting. 
Strings  of  bells  surround  the  neck  of  a  prized  animal,  and  it  is  further 
beautified  by  an  artificial  forelock.  Rattan  whips,  wound  with  braid, 
and  decorated  with  beads,  are  also  a  part  of  his  trappings.  According 
to  Bagobo  tradition,  they  have  had  horses  from  the  most  remote  times, 
and  Professor  Blumentritt  is  inclined  to  believe  that  they  possessed 
these  animals  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  In  support  of  this 
contention,  he  points  to  the  fact  that,  unlike  most  Philippine  tribes, 
they  use  the  Malayan  name.1 

Heavy  loads  of  field  products  are  transported  on  animals,  or  are 
carried  in  cylindrical  bark  or  rattan  boxes  or  carrying  frames  (Fig.  30). 
Such  a  receptacle  is  supported  on  the  back  by  means  of  a  band  which 
passes  around  the  forehead,  or  by  other  bands  which  slip  over  the 
shoulders.  Both  sexes  carry  loads  in  this  way,  although  it  must  be 
confessed  that  consideration  for  the  members  of  the  gentler  sex  has  not 
reached  such  a  stage  that  they  are  relieved  of  any  great  part  of  such 
labor.  When  gathering  grain  and  forest  products,  or  when  searching 
for  snails,  the  woman  attaches  a  small  basket  to  her  belt  so  that  it 
hangs  at  a  convenient  height  against  her  thigh.  We  have  previously 
noticed  the  decorated  bags  and  baskets  which  serve  as  pockets,  and 
also  contain  the  betel  nut  outfits. 

A  small  child  is  supported  at  the  mother's  hip  by  means  of  a  broad 
sash,  which  passes  over  the  right  shoulder  and  under  the  left  arm. 
When  it  is  able  to  walk  the  scarf  is  discarded,  and  it  sits  astride  the 
mother's  hip,  where  it  is  held  in  place  by  her  left  arm.  Older  children 
and  the  men  devote  considerable  time  to  the  newcomers,  but  at  a  very 

1  The  terms  used  are,  bait  koda — stallion,  and  mamat  koda — mare. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       91 

early  age  the  youngsters  begin  to  run  about  as  wild  and  carefree  as  only 
little  savages  can. 

The  Bagobo  is  a  keen  trader  and  many  small  articles  of  all  kinds 
reach,  and  pass  from  him  through  trade;  and  to  make  this  barter  pos- 
sible he  intentionally  produces  an  excess  of  certain  things.     Chief  of 


FIG.    30. 

Carrying  Frame. 


these  is  hemp,  which  he  now  carries  to  the  coast  traders,  and  for  which 
he  receives  trade  cloth,  iron  pots,  copper  gongs,  bells,  and  the  beads 
which  he  prizes  so  highly.  In  exchange  for  the  betel  boxes,  bells,  and 
knife  guards,  which  come  from  his  forge,  he  receives  shell  disks,  certain 
articles  of  dress,  cooking  pots,  and  various  other  household  articles, 


92       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History— Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

as  well  as  salt  and  some  animals.  The  knives  made  by  him  are  in  great 
demand  and  often  travel  far  inland.  While  among  the  Bukidnon  of 
the  North-Central  part  of  the  Island  the  writer  secured  one  blade  and 
guard  of  undoubted  Bagobo  workmanship.  In  early  days,  Chinese 
and  Moro  traders  brought  gongs,  jars,  plates,  and  other  crockery,  as 
well  as  many  other  articles  now  among  the  prized  heirlooms  of  wealthy 
men  or  occupying  an  important  place  in  the  ceremonial  life  of  the  tribe. 
Through  these  same  channels  came  the  Borneo  ivory  of  wrhich  the  ear 
plugs  are  made,  while  other  objects  from  more  distant  regions  were 
occasionally  brought  in.  Two  examples  of  this  trade  are  now  in  the 
collections  of  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History.  One  is  a  jacket 
made  from  Javanese  cloth;  the  second  a  belt  buckle  which  apparently 
originated  in  Perak. 

Local  feuds,  as  well  as  the  desire  of  individuals  to  be  known  as 
magani,  have  always  made  it  unsafe  for  small  numbers  of  traders  to 
venture  to  any  great  distance  from  home,  and  this  has  been  a  great 
hindrance  to  trade.  However,  large  parties,  even  from  other  tribes, 
sometimes  go  to  a  village  for  purposes  of  trade,  having  previously 
notified  the  inhabitants  of  their  intentions.  While  in  Malilla  the  writer 
met  with  a  party  of  thirty  Bila-an  traders  who  lived  three  days'  march 
to  the  east.  The  influence  of  capture,  intermarriage,  and  looting,  in 
carrying  the  artifacts  of  one  tribe  into  the  territory  of  another  has 
previously  been  mentioned. 

WARFARE. 

The  offensive  weapons  used  by  the  Bagobo  are  spears,  knives  (Fig.  1 5 
and  Plate  XXXII),  and  at  times  bows  and  arrows  (Fig.  17).  For 
defense  they  carry  shields,  either  round  or  oblong  (Figs.  31-32),  and  cover 
the  body  with  so  many  strips  of  hemp  cloth  that  a  knife  thrust  is  warded 
off.  Turning  his  body  sideways  to  the  enemy,  the  warrior  crouches 
behind  his  shield,  keeping  up  a  continuous  capering,  rushing  forward 
or  dancing  backward,  seeking  for  an  opening  but  seldom  coming  to 
close  quarters.  Arrows  and  spears  are  glanced  off  with  the  shields. 
An  attack  is  usually  initiated  by  the  throwing  of  spears,  then,  if  the 
enemy  is  at  a  disadvantage  or  confused,  the  warriors  rush  in  to  close 
combat.  For  this  purpose  they  rely  entirely  on  their  knives,  and  as 
fencers  they  are  unexcelled.  They  are  but  indifferent  shots  with  the 
bow  and  arrow,  and  that  weapon  is  but  little  used  in  actual  combat. 
It  has  been  frequently  stated  that  these  arrows  are  poisoned  but  I  was 
unable  to  discover  a  single  specimen  so  prepared.  When  hard-pressed, 
or  when  a  camp  must  be  made  in  dangerous  territory,  sharpened  bamboo 


September,  1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District-  Cole.       93 


fig.  31a  and  b. 
front  and   Back  of  an   Oblong  Shield. 


FIG.    32A  AND   B. 

32A.— Front  of  a    Decorated   shield. 


B.—  Back  of   Shi  eld  a. 


94      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

sticks — sogwiig — are  stuck  into  the  ground  with  their  points  directed 
toward  the  enemy.  These  must  be  carefully  gathered  up  by  the 
pursuers,  who  otherwise  run  the  risk  of  having  the  knife-like  blades 
driven  into  their  feet.  Old  warriors  state  that  in  former  years  they 
not  only  covered  the  upper  part  of  the  body  with  hemp  cloth  but  wound 
over  this  long  decorated  strips  called  gindua;  they  also  tell  of  coats  of 
mail  made  of  carabao  horn  or  rattan.  None  of  these  outfits  exist  in  the 
territory  today,  but  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  they  were  formerly 
in  use,  for  the  long  decorated  bands  are  still  found  among  the  Bukidnon 
of  the  North,  with  whom  some  trade  is  carried  on;  and  a  few  coats  of 
mail  are  to  be  seen  among  the  neighboring  Moro. 

Hostile  raids  against  the  neighboring  Bila-an,  Tagakaolo,  and  Ata 
seem  to  have  been  common  from  the  most  ancient  times.  After  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards  there  were  many  minor  conflicts  with  the  Moro, 
and  the  tribal  history  takes  note  of  Several  serious  feuds  between  Bagobo 
villages.  Single  warriors,  usually  those  desiring  to  become  magam, 
sometimes  enter  hostile  territory  and  there  lie  in  wTait  for  an  opportunity 
to  spear  a  passing  foe.  The  fact  that  these  attacks  are  frequently 
from  ambush,  or  that  whole  families  are  slain  while  asleep  on  the 
floors  of  their  houses,  does  not  seem  to  detract  in  the  least  from  the 
honor  due  for  the  deed.  Generally,  parties  of  sixty  or  more,  under  the 
direction  of  a  magam,  are  made  up  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  towns- 
people, to  secure  loot  and  slaves,  or  to  win  glory  and  distinction.  An 
.ambush  is  formed  near  to  a  hostile  village  and  just  at  dawn  an  attack 
is  made  on  the  early  risers  who  are  scattered  and  unprepared.  The 
invaders  are  usually  satisfied  with  a  few  victims  and  then  make  their 
escape.  Women  and  children  are  either  killed  or  are  carried  away  as 
slaves.  It  is  customary  for  all  the  warriors  to  make  at  least  one  cut  in 
the  bodies,  and  to  eat  a  portion  of  the  livers  of  enemies  who  have 
shown  great  bravery,  for  in  this  way  it  is  thought  they  gain  in  that 
quality.  This  seems  to  be  the  only  occasion  when  human  flesh  is  tasted, 
despite  the  fact  that  the  members  of  this  tribe  have  been  frequently 
referred  to  as  cannibals. 

The  warriors  of  Cibolan  and  Malilla  formerly  carried  heads  of 
enemies  to  their  towns  and  made  use  of  them  during  the  GinEm  cere- 
mony, while  at  Bansalan  and  Digos  a  lock  of  hair,  cut  from  the  head  of 
the  slain,  answered  the  same  purpose.  Individual  raiders  sometimes 
carry  home  a  head  or  a  hand  as  evidence  of  a  successful  fight,  and  at 
such  times  festivals  may  be  held  to  celebrate  the  event.  However,  the 
trophy  soon  loses  its  value  and  is  hung  or  buried  at  a  distance  from  the 


September,  1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       95 

village.     Head-hunting  for  the  sake  of  the  trophy  itself,  does  not  exist 
here. 

Peace  can  be  effected  by  means  of  a  blood  compact  known  as  dayandl. 
Each  principal  cuts  his  own  wrist  until  the  blood  flows  freely;  this  he 
catches  in  his  free  hand  and  offers  to  the  other  participant  to  drink. 
Sometimes  the  blood  of  both  is  caught  and  mixed  in  a  dish  from  which 
they  drink,  meanwhile  addressing  the  tigyama,1  saying,  ''We  are  now 
like  brothers,  like  children  of  the  same  parents,  and  now  we  cannot 
fight  any  more.     We  ask  you  to  be  the  witnesses." 

SOCIAL,   ORGANIZATION. 

There  seems  to  be  no  trace  of  clan  or  totemic  grouping  among  the 
Bagobo.  Blood  relationship  is  traced  as  far  as  the  second  cousin  and  is 
a  bar  to  marriage.  The  suggestion  that  a  man  might  marry  his  mother- 
in-law  was  received  with  horror,  but  whether  this  was  due  to  local  mother- 
in-law  stories  or  to  an  idea  of  relationship  could  not  be  ascertained, 
However,  a  man  may  marry  the  sister  of  his  wife. 

Each  district  has  its  head  man,  or  petty  datu  who  is  supposed  to  be 
subject  to  the  datu  of  Cibolan.  This  seems  actually  to  have  been  the 
case  until  a  few  years  ago,  when  some  of  the  local  rulers  withdrew  their 
allegiance.  The  office  is  hereditary  and  usually  passes  from  the  father 
to  his  eldest  son.  Should  the  datu  be  without  an  heir,  or  the  son  be 
considered  inefficient,  the  under  chiefs  and  wise  old  men  may  choose 
a  leader  from  among  their  number. 

In  his  own  district  the  power  of  the  datu  is  very  great,  but  even  he  is 
obliged  to  respect  the  laws  and  customs  handed  down  by  the  ancestors. 
He  is  supreme  judge  in  all  matters,  though  he  may,  if  he  desires,  call  in 
the  old  men  to  help  him  decide  difficult  cases.  The  usual  method  of 
punishment  is  by  means  of  a  fine.  Should  the  culprit  be  unwilling  or 
unable  to  pay  he  is  placed  in  servitude  until  such  a  time  as  the  debt  is 
considered  canceled,  but  should  he  refuse  to  serve  he  is  killed  without 
further  ado.  The  datu  appoints  a  man  for  this  purpose,  and  he  usually 
gets  his  victim  by  stealth,  either  by  waylaying  him  in  the  road  or  by 
driving  a  spear  through  him  as  he  lies  asleep  on  the  floor  of  his  house. 
When  a  fine  is  levied  the  datu  retains  a  portion  as  pay  for  his  services ; 
if  the  more  drastic  punishment  follows  it  serves  to  emphasize  his  power 
and  is  more  valuable  to  him  than  the  payment.  When  his  house  needs 
repairing,  his  hemp  requires  stripping,  or  his  fields  need  attention,  his 
followers  give  him  assistance.  In  return  for  these  services  he  helps 
support  a  number  of  fighting  men  who  can  always  be  called  upon  for 

1  See  p.  107. 


g6       Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

the  defence  of  the  people.  His  house  is  considered  the  property  of  all 
to  the  extent  that  anyone  goes  there  at  any  time  and  stays  as  long  as 
he  pleases,  partaking  meanwhile  of  the  datu's  food.  In  times  of  danger, 
or  during  festivals,  all  the  people  assemble  there  and  assist  in  the 
defense  or  the  merry-making. 

Datu  Tongkaling  is  the  most  industrious  man  in  the  tribe.  Ik- 
does  not  hesitate  to  work  in  the  rice  fields,  to  aid  in  the  house-building 
or  to  take  his  turn  at  the  forge,  neither  will  he  tolerate  any  loafing  on 
the  part  of  his  followers.  While  in  most  instances  he  mingles  freely 
with  his  people  he  never  eats  with  them.  His  wives,  children,  and 
quests  eat  from  a  long  row  of  dishes  set  on  the  floor,  but  the  datu  takes 
his  food  alone  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  others. 

The  balance  of  the  people  can  be  roughly  divided  between  freeman 
and  slaves,  but  slavery  here  is  of  such  a  mild  type,  and  the  members  of 
that  class  become  so  quickly  merged  into  the  tribe  that  the  lines  cannot 
be  closely  drawn.  Women  and  children  secured  in  raids  become  the 
slaves  of  their  captors,  and  may  be  bought  and  sold,  or  pass  by  in- 
heritance, like  other  property.  It  is  considered  proper  for  a  man  to 
live  with  his  slave  without  marrying  her,  but  should  she  become  pregnant 
she  is  usually  given  her  freedom  at  once;  if  not  then,  she  is  certain  to 
be  upon  the  death  of  her  master,  while  her  offspring  are  free  and  legitimate 
heirs.  Children  born  to  a  slave  couple  remain  in  their  class,  as  do  those 
born  to  a  slave  mother  and  a  man  not  her  master.  These  slaves  are 
treated  with  kindness  and  consideration  and  seldom  try  to  make  their 
escape.  In  fact  it  is  often  difficult  to  pick  out  the  members  of  this 
class  from  the  other  members  of  the  family. 

The  chief  aim  in  life  of  the  man  is  to  have  the  right  to  wear  the 

blood-red  clothing  and  to  be  known  as  magam.     As  stated  earlier  in 

the  paper,  this  term  is  applied  to  a  man  who  has  killed  two  or  more 

persons.     He  is  then  entitled  to  wear  the  peculiar  chocolate-colored 

head  covering  (Plate  XXV).     When  his  score  has  reached  four  he  can 

don  blood-red  trousers,  and  when  he  has  six  lives  to  his  credit  he  is 

permitted  to  wear  the  complete  blood-red  suit  and  to  carry  a  bag  of 

the  same  color.1     From  that  time  on  his  clothing  does  not  change  with 

the  number  of  his  victims,  but  his  influence  increases  with  each  life 

put  to  his  credit.     It  is  said  that  formerly,  at  Digos  and  Bansalan,  a 

man  who  had  killed  twenty  or  more  was  known  as  gemdwan,  and  was 

distinguished  by  a  black  hemp  suit.     This  claim  to  the  black  clothing 

is  no  longer  respected,  and  such  garments  are  worn  by  any  who  desire 

1  This  is  the  rule  at  Cibolan.  At  Malilla  and  Digos,  the  kerchief  may  be  worn 
when  one  life  has  been  taken,  the  trousers  for  two,  the  coat  for  three,  and  finally 
the  sack  for  four. 


September,   i 9 i 3 .       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       97 

them.  The  man  who  has  never  killed  a  person  is  called  matdlo,  a  rather 
slighting  term  signifying  one  who  has  no  desire  to  fight  but  remains  at 
home  with  the  women.  A  man  who  kills  an  unfaithful  wife  and  her 
admirer  may  count  the  two  on  his  score.  He  may  also  count  those  of 
his  townspeople  whom  he  has  killed  in  fair  tight,  but  unprovoked  murder 
will  be  punished  by  the  death  of  the  offender.     The   candidate   for 

mi  honors  may  go  to  an  unfriendly  town,  or  to  a  neighboring  tribe, 
and  kill  without  fear  of  censure  from  his  own  people. 

The  magant  is  one  of  the  leaders  in  a  war  party;  he  is  chosen  to 
inflict  the  death  penalty  when  it  is  decreed,  and  it  is  men  of  this  class 
that  assist  in  the  human  sacrifices.  He  is  under  the  special  protection 
of  Mandarangan  and  Darago,  and  all  petitions  to  these  powerful  spirits 
must  be  made  through  him.  His  clothing  is  considered  the  property 
of  these  spirits,  and  when  such  specimens  were  secured  for  the  collection, 
the  wearer  would  invariably  place  the  garment  beside  some  prized 
article,  such  as  a  knife  or  spear,  then  taking  a  green  betel  nut  would 
rub  the  garment  and  object,  meanwhile  beseeching  the  spirits  to  leave 
the  one  and  enter  the  other.  Later  the  nut  was  placed  in  the  tambara 
belonging  to  those  spirits.  A  father  may  not  bequeath  to  his  son  the 
right  to  the  red  clothing;  and  such  articles,  together  with  his  weapons, 
should  be  buried  with  him.  Should  one  not  entitled  to  these  garments 
dare  to  make  use  of  them,  the  spirits  would  straightway  cause  his  body 
to  swell  or  turn  yellow,  and  he  would  die. 

In  a  previous  paragraph  we  mentioned  the  unorganized  priesthood, 
the  members  of  which  are  known  as  mabalian.  Men  are  not  barred 
from  this  profession,  but  the  greater  number  of  its  members  are  old, 
or  middle-aged,  women.1  A  woman  may  live  the  greater  part  of  her 
life  without  an  idea  of  becoming  a  member  of  this  order,  and  then 
suddenly  be  warned  in  dreams,  by  visions,  or  by  other  mabalian  that 
she  has  been  chosen  by  the  spirits.  The  one  thus  elected  becomes  a 
pupil  of  a  qualified  mabalian,  and  for  several  months  will  be  drilled  in 
the  duties  of  that  office.  She  will  be  taught  the  medicines  to  be  used 
at  certain  times,"  the  duties  of  a  midwife,  the  correct  method  of  building 
shrines  and  conducting  ceremonies,  and  finally,  she  will  learn  the 
prayers  with  which  the  spirits  should  be  addressed.  It  seems  to  be 
the  belief  that,  at  times  during  the  ceremonies,  the  mabalian  may  be 
possessed  by  a  spirit  and  that  she  then  speaks  not  as  a  mortal  but  as 
the  spirit  itself.  She  also  knows  how  to  weave  and  dye  the  turban 
worn  by  the  magani,  and  because  of  this  accomplishment  is  considered 

1  There  are  five  mabalian  in  Cibolan,  all  of  whom  are  women  past  middle  life. 
-  A  medicine  is  used  with  the  idea  that  it  assists  in  driving  away  evil  infiuenees. 


98       Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Voe.  XII. 

to  be  under  the  protection  of  Baitpandi,1  and  is  permitted  to  wear 
garments  made  of  red  cloth,  the  same  as  the  magani. 

The  workers  in  the  various  crafts  are  under  the  guidance  and  pro- 
tection of  special  spirits,  but  there  is  no  bar  against  other  members  of 
the  tribe  entering  those  professions. 

Apparently  then,  Bagobo  society  is  divided  into  several  classes  or 
divisions,  but  with  the  exception  of  a  few  individuals  in  the  slave  class, 
there  is  a  possibility  or  an  opportunity  for  each  member  of  the  tribe  to 
enter  any  class  open  to  his  or  her  sex.  Even  a  slave  woman  may  become 
the  wife  of  a  datu,  and  her  son  may  assume  the  leadership  of  the  tribe. 

LAWS.     PROPERTY   AND   INHERITANCE. 

The  laws  of  the  people  are  those  imposed  by  custom  and  religion,  and 
are  equally  binding  on  all  classes.  Public  opinion  is  sufficient  to  prevent 
most  crimes;  the  fear  of  offending  the  spirits  is  a  further  deterrent; 
while  the  final  bar  is  the  drastic  punishment  meted  out  by  the  datu. 
Theft  is  punished  by  the  levying  of  a  fine  if  the  culprit  is  able  to  pay, 
or  by  a  term  of  servitude  if  he  has  no  property.  If  a  husband  finds  that 
his  wife  has  been  unfaithful,  he  should  kill  both  her  and  her  admirer, 
but  the  spear  with  which  he  avenges  his  wrongs  should  be  left  in  the 
body  of  one  of  the  victims,  as  a  sign  that  the  murder  was  provoked  by 
the  fault.  When  this  is  done  the  husband  cannot  be  held  accountable 
either  to  the  datu  or  to  the  dead  person's  relatives.  If,  however,  he 
withdraws  the  weapon,  the  brothers  or  other  male  relatives  of  the 
deceased  have  a  right  and  a  duty  to  avenge  the  deaths.  A  man  who  has 
killed  his  wife  and  her  lover  is  allowed  to  count  both  on  his  score  towards 
becoming  a  magani — a  further  incentive  for  him  to  avenge  his  wrongs. 
Cases  are  known  where  the  husband  accepted  payment  for  his  wife's 
affections,  but  it  was  considered  a  sign  of  weakness,  or  cowardice,  and 
the  man  lost  caste.  Unprovoked  murder  of  one  from  the  same  or  a 
friendly  village  is  punished  by  death. 

A  man  having  illicit  relations  with  a  slave  woman,  not  his  own,  is 
subjected  to  a  heavy  fine  or  a  term  of  servitude.  Incest  should  be 
punished  by  the  death  of  the  culprits  for  should  such  a  crime  go  un- 
punished the  spirits  would  cause  the  sea  to  rise  and  cover  the  land. 
Datu  Tongkaling  claims  that  on  two  occasions,  since  he  became  ruler, 
he  has  put  such  offenders  to  death.  In  the  first  case  he  had  the  couple 
bound  and  thrown  into  the  sea,  while  in  the  second  instance,  they 
were  tied  to  trees  in  the  forest  and  sacrificed  in  the  presence  of  all  the 
people  of  the  village. 

1  The  patron  spirit  of  the  weavers. 


September,  19 13         Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.       99 

Prohibitions  exist  against  the  wearing  of  the  clothing  which  dis- 
tinguishes warriors  and  priestesses,  and  there  are  rules  governing  the 
conduct  of  individuals  while  near  shrines  or  during  ceremonies,  but 
punishment  for  the  breaking  of  these  rules  is  meted  out  by  the  spirits 
rather  than  by  the  datu. 

Each  settlement  is  recognized  as  having  property  rights  to  all 
adjacent  lands.  Within  these  recognized  limits,  its  members  may 
take  up  as  much  land  as  they  need,  provided  it  is  not  already  in  use, 
but  when  a  field  is,  for  any  reason,  abandoned  it  again  becomes  the 
property  of  the  community.  Individual  ownership  extends  to  houses, 
furnishings,  and  all  articles  of  clothing,  as  well  as  to  weapons,  traps, 
animals,  and  slaves.  Although  bought  with  a  price  the  wife  is  still 
very  independent  and  has  undisputed  rights  to  her  baskets,  cooking 
utensils,  looms,  and  to  the  finery  with  which  she  adorns  her  person. 

Since  all  the  people  assist  in  the  support  of  the  datu  they  consider 
his  home  to  be,  to  a  certain  extent,  their  own  and  make  use  of  it  and  its 
furnishings  without  question. 

Probably  at  no  place  in  the  world  has  borrowing  gone  to  greater 
extremes  than  here.  When  attempting  to  purchase  clothing,  or 
articles  in  daily  use,  the  writer  frequently  found  that  not  a  single  garment 
worn  by  an  individual  was  his  own;  and  it  was  usually  necessary  to 
consult  several  persons  in  order  to  secure  a  complete  outfit. 

Upon  the  death  of  a  man,  his  property  is  taken  in  charge  by  his  first 
wife,  or  by  the  old  men,  and  is  divided  equally  among  his  wives  and 
children,  with  perhaps  a  little  extra  added  to  the  share  of  the  first  mate. 
The  belongings  of  a  free-born  woman  go  to  her  children,  or,  in  case  she 
is  barren,  are  given  to  her  relatives.  In  cases  where  both  the  parents 
are  dead,  the  children  pass  into  the  care  of  the  father's  family. 

Despite  the  fact  that  property  is  owned  by  individuals,  a  large  part 
of  the  labor,  especially  in  house-building  and  in  the  fields,  is  done  in 
common.  When  a  man  desires  to  clear  or  plant  a  field  or  to  build  a 
house,  he  summons  his  friends  to  aid  him  and  they  respond  with  no 
idea  of  payment  other  than  their  food  and  drink,  and  the  return  of  like 
services  when  they  are  in  similar  need. 

BIRTH. 

For  about  six  months  before  and  after  the  birth  of  a  child  the  mother 
is  relieved  from  hard  labor;  she  is  not  allowed  to  taste  of  anything  sour, 
neither  may  she  eat  dried  fish  or  flesh,  lest  her  child  be  thin  and  weak. 
The  father  is  under  no  restrictions  other  than  that  he  is  expected  to 
remain  near  to  his  home  for  a  few  days  following  the  birth  of  a  child. 


ioo     Fiki.d  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Other  action  on  his  part  would  be  considered  by  the  spirits  as  an  ad- 
mission that  he  does  not  care  for  the  child,  and  they  would  cause  the 
umbilical  cord  to  decay  so  that  the  child  would  die.  The  mother  is 
delivered  in  the  regular  dwelling,  where  she  is  attended  by  two  or  more 
midwives  or  mabalian.1  She  is  placed  with  her  back  against  an  inclined 
board,  while  in  her  hands  she  holds  a  rope  which  is  attached  to  the 
roof.  With  the  initial  pains,  one  of  the  midwives  massages  the  abdomen, 
while  another  prepares  a  drink  made  from  leaves,  roots,  and  bark, 
and  gives  it  to  the  expectant  woman.  The  preparation  of  this  con- 
coction was  taught  by  friendly  spirits,  and  it  is  supposed  to  insure  an 
easy  delivery.  Still  another  mabalian  spreads  a  mat  in  the  middle  of 
the  room,  and  on  it  places  valuable  cloths,  weapons,  and  gongs,  which 
she  offers  to  the  spirits,  praying  that  they  will  make  the  birth  easy  and 
give  good  health  to  the  infant.  The  articles  offered  at  this  time  can 
be  used  by  their  former  owners  but  as  they  are  now  the  property  of  the 
spirits  they  must  not  be  sold  or  traded.  The  writer  was  very  anxious 
to  secure  an  excellent  weapon  which  had  been  thus  offered.  The  user 
finally  agreed  to  part  with  it  but  first  he  placed  it  beside  another  of 
equal  value,  and  taking  a  piece  of  betel  nut  he  rubbed  each  weapon 
with  it  a  number  of  times,  then  dipping  his  fingers  in  the  water  he 
touched  both  the  old  and  the  new  blades,  all  the  time  asking  the  spirit 
to  accept  and  enter  the  new  weapon.  The  child  is  removed  by  the 
mabalian  who,  in  cutting  the  umbilical  cord,  makes  use  of  the  kind  of 
knife  used  by  the  members  of  the  child's  sex,  otherwise  the  wound 
would  never  heal.  The  child  is  placed  on  a  piece  of  soft  betel  bark, 
"for  its  bones  are  soft  and  our  hands  are  hard  and  are  apt  to  break  the 
soft  bones,"  then  water  is  poured  over  it  and  its  body  is  rubbed  with 
pogdndk.2  The  afterbirth  is  placed  in  a  bamboo  tube,  is  covered  with 
ashes  and  a  leaf,  and  the  whole  is  hung  against  the  side  of  the  dwelling 
where  it  remains  until  it  falls  of  its  own  accord  or  the  house  is  destroyed. 
In  Cibolan  the  midwife  applies  a  mixture  of  clay  and  herbs  called 
karamir  to  the  eyes  of  all  who  have  witnessed  the  birth  "so  that  they 
will  not  become  blind."  Having  done  this  she  gives  the  child  its  name, 
usually  that  of  a  relative,  and  her  duties  are  over.  As  payment  she  will 
receive  a  large  and  a  small  knife,  a  plate,  some  cloth,  and  a  needle.3 

In  Malilla  the  naming  does  not  take  place  until  three  days  after  the 
birth,  and  the  eyes  are  not  always  anointed,  although  the  old  people 
agree  that  it  is  an  ancient  custom  and  "a  good  thing  to  do."     At  that 

1  In  Cibolan  the  midwife  is  called  taratEk-Ekn,  and  need  not  be  a  mahafian. 

2  A  medicine  made  of  bark  and  rattan. 

3  The  payment  given  at  the  birth  of  a  boy  is  somewhat  greater  than  that 
for  a  girl. 


September,   i 9 i 3 -       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.     ioi 

time  the  mat  containing  the  gifts  is  spread  on  the  floor  and  the  offerings 
are  again  called  to  the  attention  of  the  spirits,  who  are  urged  to  look 
to  the  welfare  of  the  child.  Should  the  infant  be  ailing,  or  cry  a  great 
deal,  it  is  a  sign  that  the  spirits  are  displeased  with  the  name  given  to 
it  and  another  will  be  substituted;  however,  this  does  not  seem  to  be 
done  with  an  idea  of  fooling  the  spirits,  as  is  the  case  with  some  other 
tribes.  The  child  is  nursed  until  two  or  three  years  of  age,  or  until 
another  takes  its  place.  There  is  no  superstition  concerning  twins, 
but  triplets  are  at  once  put  to  death  by  filling  their  mouths  with  ashes, 
otherwise  "the  parents  would  die,  for  they  are  like  dogs." 

When  questioned  concerning  abortion,  Datu  Tongkaling  asserted 
that  he  considered  it  "very  bad,"  and  that  he  would  prohibit  any 
mabaltan  who  assisted  in  such  a  practice  from  continuing  her  profession, 
but  he  said  that  despite  his  orders  secret  medicines  which  produce  that 
result  are  sometimes  administered.  Such  a  practice  is  not  common, 
however,  as  children  are  greatly  desired  and  no  worse  slur  can  be  applied 
to  a  woman  than  to  speak  of  her  as  barren. 

So  far  as  could  be  learned  there  is  no  ceremony  or  celebration  of  any 
kind  when  a  child  reaches  the  age  of  puberty  but  soon  thereafter  its 
teeth  will  be  filed  and  blackened.  In  some  villages  the  boys  are  ciru in- 
cised, but  the  practice  is  not  compulsory,  neither  is  it  general  throughout 
the  territory. 

MARRIAGE. 

Marriage  among  the  Bagobo  takes  place  much  later  than  is  common 
among  most  Philippine  tribes,  the  couple  often  being  eighteen  or  twenty 
years  of  age.  As  a  rule  the  parents  of  the  boy  select  the  girl  and  nego- 
tiate the  match.  Going  to  the  house  of  the  girl  they  casually  broach 
the  subject  and  if  her  parents  are  favorable,  a  day  is  set  to  discuss  the 
details.  This  meeting  is  attended  by  the  friends  and  relatives  of  both 
families,  and  two  head-men  or  datu  must  also  be  present  to  represent 
the  contracting  parties.  The  price  the  girl  should  bring  varies  according 
to  the  wealth  of  the  interested  parties  and  the  accomplishments  of  the 
bride.  Whatever  the  sum  paid,  the  father  of  the  girl  must  make  a  re- 
turn present  equal  to  one-half  the  value  of  the  marriage  gift  "so  that 
he  does  not  sell  his  daughter  like  a  slave."  Usually  marriage  does  not 
take  place  until  a  year  or  more  after  this  settlement,  and  during  the 
interval  the  boy  must  serve  his  father-in-law  to  be.  When  the  time 
for  the  final  ceremony  arrives  the  relatives  and  friends  assemble  and 
for  two  or  three  days  they  feast  and  make  merry.  A  mabaltan  spreads 
a  mat  on  the  floor,  places  on  it  many  valuable  articles  and  then  offers 
all  to  the  spirits,  in  order  that  they  may  be  pleased  to  give  the  couple  a 


102     Field  Museum  oe  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Voe.  XII. 

long  and  prosperous  life  together.  Finally,  she  puts  a  dish  of  rice  on 
the  mat  and,  after  offering  it  to  the  spirits,  places  it  between  the  boy 
and  the  girl  as  they  sit  on  the  floor.  The  girl  takes  a  handful  of  the 
rice  and  feeds  it  to  the  boy  who,  in  turn,  feeds  her,  and  the  ceremony 
is  complete.  The  couple  may  then  go  to  their  new  home,  but  for  several 
years  the  girl's  family  will  exact  a  certain  amount  of  service  from  the 
groom. 

A  slight  variation  of  the  usual  order  occurred  recently  at  the  mar- 
riage of  one  of  Datu  Tongkaling's  sons.  At  that  time  all  the  details 
were  arranged  by  the  datu,  who,  accompanied  by  his  son  and  a  number 
of  relatives,  went  to  the  girl's  house  and  proposed  the  union.  After 
the  girl  had  brought  wine,  betel  nut,  and  food,  and  had  placed  them 
before  the  visitors,  she  was  directed  by  her  mother  to  make  a  carrying 
bag  for  her  lover.  Had  she  objected  to  the  union  and  refused  to  make 
this  gift,  her  decision  would  probably  have  been  accepted  as  final  and 
all  negotiations  abandoned.  However,  it  is  not  customary  for  the 
young  people  to  refuse  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  their  elders.  As  the 
girl  offered  no  objections,  the  party  fell  to  discussing  the  price  the 
groom  should  pay,  and  finally,  after  several  hours  of  bargaining,  decided 
that  he  should  furnish  her  father  with  one  agong,1  one  horse,  and  a  double 
betel  box."  Five  days  later,  when  he  paid  this  sum,  he  received  a 
return  gift  of  one  agong  and  ten  skirts  from  the  bride's  mother.  About 
one-half  the  value  of  the  groom's  gift  was  distributed  among  the  girl's 
relatives,  who  were  at  the  same  time  admonished  that,  in  case  a  separa- 
tion should  occur,  they  would  be  expected  to  return  an  equal  amount. 
In  the  presence  of  about  a  hundred  friends,  the  pair  drank  wine  from 
the  same  dish,  then  submitted  to  having  a  little  hair  cut  from  their 
heads,  and  were  pronounced  man  and  wife.  Before  they  retired  for 
the  night  the  mabalian  combed  their  hair,  then,  having  directed  the 
groom  to  precede  his  bride  to  their  sleeping  place,  she  secured  a  child 
and  placed  it  on  the  mat  between  the  pair.  This,  she  explained,  was 
an  old  custom,  and  was  done  so  that  the  girl  might  not  be  ashamed, 
for  she  was  not  the  first  to  sleep  there.  Having  finished  this  duty, 
she  returned  to  the  center  of  the  room  and  placed  a  number  of  plates 
and  a  knife  on  the  tambara,  where  they  were  allowed  to  remain  for  four 
days  as  offerings  to  the  anito,  Manama,  Toghii  and  the  tigyama.  At 
the  end  of  that  period  the  plates  were  attached  to  the  outside  walls  of 
the  house,  and  the  knife  returned  to  its  former  owner.     This  completed 

1  Large  copper  gong. 

2  Much  more  is  often  given.     One  girl  in  Cibolan  brought  six  horses,  five  agongs, 
and  several  spears  and  knives. 

3  See  p.  107. 


September,   19 13.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     103 

the  duties  of  the  mabaltan  who  returned  home  carrying  an  agong,  the 
payment  for  her  services. 

A  man  may  have  as  many  wives  as  he  desires  and  can  afford,  but  he 
may  not  take  a  second  mate  until  a  child  has  been  born  to  the  first 
union,  or  the  wife  has  been  proved  beyond  doubt  to  be  barren.  The 
groom  renders  no  services  to  the  father  of  the  second  wife,  but  instead 
of  this  pays  a  double  price  for  the  girl,  for  he  not  only  pays  her  parents 
but  is  forced  also  to  give  a  like  sum  to  his  first  wife,  who,  in  turn, 
presents  it  to  her  father.  Should  a  third  wife  be  added  to  the  family 
a  sum  equal  to  her  cost  is  divided  among  the  earlier  wives.  The  first 
wife  is  generally  the  lady  of  the  house  and  does  not  particularly  object 
to  having  other  girls  added  to  the  family,  provided  they  are  willing  to 
obey  her.  Datu  Tongkaling  has  had  four  wives,  three  of  whom  are 
still  living. 

If  a  couple  cannot  agiee,  a  separation  can  be  arranged  by  applying 
to  the  local  head-man,  who,  after  listening  to  their  troubles,  decides 
which  one  is  at  fault,  and  whether  or  no  the  marriage  gifts  must  be 
returned.  When  a  couple  parts,  plates,  bowls,  and  jars  are  sometimes 
broken  as  a  sign  that  they  will  never  live  together  again  and  the  spirits 
are  thus  called  to  witness.  A  divorced  woman  may  remarry,  but 
unless  the  sum  originally  paid  for  her  has  been  returned,  the  new  groom 
must  pay  such  an  amount  to  the  first  husband. 


SICKNESS   AND    DEATH. 

In  case  of  illness  a  mabaltan  administers  some  simple  remedy  without 
any  call  on  the  spirits.  If,  however,  the  sickness  does  not  yield  readily 
to  this  treatment,  it  is  evident  that  the  trouble  is  caused  by  some  spirit 
who  can  only  be  appeased  by  a  gift.  Betel  nuts,  leaves,  food,  clothing, 
and  some  article  in  daily  use  by  the  patient  are  placed  in  a  dish  of  palm 
bark  and  on  top  of  all  is  laid  a  roughly  carved  figure  of  a  man.  This 
offering  is  passed  over  the  body  of  the  patient  while  the  mabaltan  ad- 
dresses the  spirits  as  follows.  "Now,  you  can  have  the  man  on  this 
dish,  for  we  have  changed  him  for  the  sick  man.  Pardon  anything  this 
man  may  have  done,  and  let  him  be  well  again."  Immediately  after 
this  the  dish  is  carried  away  and  hidden  so  that  the  sick  person  may 
never  see  it  again,  for  should  he  do  so  the  illness  would  return. 

According  to  Father  Gisbert  a  doll  is  carved  from  a  piece  of  wood 
and  the  spirit  is  addressed:  "O  God,  Thou  who  has  created  men  and 
trees,  and  all  things,  do  not  deprive  us  of  life,  and  receive  in  exchange 
this  bit  of  wood  which  has  our  face." 


104     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

In  obstinate  cases  the  invalid  may  be  removed  from  his  own  house  to 
another,  in  order  that  he  may  be  under  the  care  of  the  good  spirits 
residing  there.  The  mabalian  appplies  certain  medicines  and  then 
decrees  a  period  of  taboo,  during  which  no  outsiders  may  enter  the 
house.  Those  within  at  the  time  the  medicine  was  given  may  go  out 
if  they  desire,  but  must  return  there  to  sleep.  Should  it  become  evident 
that  the  patient  will  die  he  is  taken  back  to  his  own  place,  otherwise 
his  family  would  be  called  upon  to  reimburse  the  owner  of  the  house 
in  which  the  death  occurs,  for  bringing  evil  or  unfriendly  spirits  into 
their  dwelling. 

Governor  Bolton  describes  a  somewhat  different  procedure  among 
the  members  of  the  Guianga  branch  of  this  tribe.  Having  learned  that 
Datu  Angalan  was  ill  he  went  to  see  him,  but  found  his  house  deserted. 
The  dain  was  finally  located  in  a  small  hut  about  a  hundred  yards  away 
from  his  own  dwelling,  with  no  attendants.  The  governor  writes, 
"When  I  went  in  the  tribesmen  entered.  I  soon  found  that  I  had 
broken  a  charm  which  prevented  anyone  seeing  him  for  a  certain  time; 
that  he  had  been  placed  in  the  hut  for  that  reason,  and  to  insure  his 
not  dying  in  the  large  house.  It  is  likely  that  they  had  a  human 
sacrifice  at  that  time." 

Following  a  death  the  body  is  covered  with  good  clothing  and  is 
placed  in  the  middle  of  the  house.  Wailers  sit  by  the  corpse,  fanning 
it  to  keep  away  flies,  or  making  an  occasional  offering  of  food;  while 
the  friends  gather  to  talk  of  the  virtues  of  the  deceased,  to  console  the 
family,  and  to  partake  of  the  food  and  drink  which  has  been  provided 
for  the  gathering.  The  body  is  kept  over  one  night,  and  in  the  case 
of  great  personages,  for  three  days,  or  until  the  coffin — a  large  log  split 
in  halves  and  hollowed  out — is  prepared.  When  this  is  ready  the  body 
is  placed  in  it,  together  with  some  prized  articles  of  the  deceased. 
After  the  top  has  been  fitted  to  the  lower  portion,  they  are  lashed 
together  and  the  cracks  are  filled  with  lime.2  The  body  is  buried 
beneath  the  house,  and  the  grave  is  protected  by  a  bamboo  fence, 
within  which  is  placed  food,  small  offerings,  or  perhaps  a  shield  and 
spear.  In  some  instances  the  coffin  is  allowed  to  remain  in  the  house, 
which  is  then  abandoned.  It  is  said  that  when  Datu  Taopan  died  his 
funeral  lasted  ten  days,  and  on  the  last  day  the  house  was  decked, 
inside  and  out,  with  flowers  and  valuable  gifts,  and  was  then  deserted. 

1  Extract  from  letters  of  Gov.  Bolton,  in  files  of  the  Governor  at  Davao. 

2  When  the  deceased  has  been  a  person  of  note  the  coffin  is  sometimes  decorated 
or  colored.  The  coffin  of  a  magani  should  be  red,  yellow,  and  black;  while  that  of  a 
mabalian  should  be  yellow,  black,  and  brown. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      10; 

Following  the  burial  the  family  lives  in  the  house  where  the  death 
occurred  until  a  human  sacrifice  has  been  made.  During  this  period 
they  live  very  quietly,  eat  poor  food,  wear  old  clothing,  and  abstain  from 
all  amusements.  If  their  wealth  permits,  they  may  shorten  the  period 
of  mourning  by  making  a  special  sacrifice,  but  in  most  cases  the  be- 
reaved will  wait  until  the  yearly  sacrifice  when  they  will  purchase  a 
share  in  the  victim  and  thus  remove  the  taboo.  Following  the  offering, 
the  old  house  is  abandoned  and  is  allowed  to  fall  to  pieces  for  "the  man 
has  gone  and  his  house  must  go  also."  The  procedure  is  the  same  for 
women,  and  for  children  who  have  survived  infancy. 


BELIEFS    CONCERNING    THE    SOUL,    SPIRITS,    ORACLES, 

AND    MAGIC. 

There  is  some  variance,  in  different  parts  of  the  Bagobo  area,  in  the 
beliefs  concerning  the  spirits  or  souls  of  a  man.  In  Cibolan  each  man 
and  woman  is  supposed  to  have  eight  spirits  or  gimokod,  which  dwell 
in  the  head,  the  right  and  left  hands  and  feet,  and  other  parts  not 
specified.  At  death  these  gimokod  part,  four  from  the  right  side  of  the 
body,  going  up  to  a  place  called  palakaldngtt,  and  four  descending  to  a 
region  known  as  karonaronawan.  These  places  differ  in  no  respects 
from  the  present  home  of  the  Bagobo,  except  that  in  the  region  above 
it  is  always  day,  and  all  useful  plants  grow  in  abundance.  In  these 
places  the  gimokod  are  met  by  the  spirits,  Toglai  and  Tigyama,  and 
by  them  are  assigned  to  their  future  homes.  If  a  man  has  been  a 
datu  on  earth,  his  spirits  have  like  rank  in  the  other  life,  but  go  to  the 
same  place  as  those  of  common  people.  The  gimokod  of  evil  men  are 
punished  by  being  crowded  into  poor  houses.  These  spirits  may  return 
to  their  old  home  for  short  periods,  and  talk  with  the  gimokod  of  the 
living  through  dreams,  but  they  never  return  to  dwell  again  on  earth. 

In  the  districts  to  the  west  of  Cibolan  the  general  belief  is  that 
there  are  but  two  gimokod,  one  inhabiting  the  right  side  of  the  body,  the 
other  the  left.  That  of  the  right  side  is  good,  while  all  evil  deeds  and 
inclinations  come  from  the  one  dwelling  on  the  left.  It  is  a  common 
thing  when  a  child  is  ill  to  attach  a  chain  bracelet  to  its  right  arm  and 
to  bid  the  good  spirit  not  to  depart,  but  to  remain  and  restore  the  child 
to  health.  In  Malilla  it  is  believed  that  after  death  the  spirit  of  the 
right  side  goes  to  a  good  place,  while  the  one  on  the  left  remains  to 
wander  about  on  earth  as  a  buso;1  but  this  latter  belief  does  not  seem 
to  be  shared  by  the  people  of  other  districts. 

1  See  p.   107. 


106     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Aside  from  the  gimokod  the  Bagobo  believe  that  there  exists  a  great 
company  of  powerful  spirits  who  make  their  homes  in  the  sky  above, 
in  the  space  beneath  the  world,  or  in  the  sea,  in  streams,  cliffs,  mount- 
ains, or  trees.  The  following  is  the  list  related  by  Datu  Tongkaling, 
a  number  of  mabaltan,  and  others  supposed  to  have  special  knowledge 
concerning  these  superior  beings. 

I.  Eugpamolak  Manobo,  also  called  Manama  and  Kalayagan. 
The  first  and  greatest  of  the  spirits,  and  the  creator  of  all  that  is.  His 
home  is  in  the  sky  from  whence  he  can  observe  the  doings  of  men. 
Gifts  for  him  should  be  white,  and  should  be  placed  above  and  in  the 
center  of  offerings  intended  for  other  spirits.  He  may  be  addressed  by 
the  mabalain,  the  datu,  and  wise  old  men. 

II.  Tolus  ka  balakat,  "dweller  in  the  balakat1."  A  male  spirit 
who  loves  the  blood,  but  not  the  flesh  of  human  beings,  and  one  of  the 
three  for  whom  the  yearly  sacrifice  is  made.  Only  the  magani  may 
offer  petitions  to  him.  He  is  not  recognized  by  the  people  of  Digos 
and  vicinity. 

Ill  and  IV.  Mandarangan  and  his  wife  Darago.  This  couple  look 
after  the  fortunes  of  the  warriors,  and  in  return  demand  the  yearly 
sacrifice  of  a  slave.  They  are  supposed  to  dwell  in  the  great  fissure 
of  Mt.  Apo,  from  which  clouds  of  sulphur  fumes  are  constantly  rising. 
The  intentions  of  this  pair  are  evil,  and  only  the  utmost  care  on  the 
part  of  the  magani  can  prevent  them  from  causing  quarrels  and  dis- 
sentions  among  the  people,  or  even  actually  devouring  some  of  them. 

V.  Taragomi.  A  male  spirit  who  owns  all  food.  He  is  the 
guardian  of  the  crops  and  it  is  for  him  that  the  shrine  known  as  paro- 
banian  is  erected  in  the  center  of  the  rice  field. 

VI.  Tolus  ka  towangan.  The  patron  of  the  workers  in  brass  and 
copper. 

VII.  Tolus  ka  gomanan.     Patron  of  the  smiths. 

VIII.  Baitpandi.  A  female  spirit  who  taught  the  women  to 
weave,  and  who  now  presides  over  the  looms  and  the  weavers. 

IX.  and  X.  Toglai,  also  called  Si  Niladan  and  Maniladan,  and  his 
wife  Toglibon.  The  first  man  and  woman  to  live  on  the  earth.  They 
gave  to  the  people  their  language  and  customs.  After  their  death 
they  became  spirits,  and  are  now  responsible  for  all  marriages  and 
births.  By  some  people  Toglai  is  believed  to  be  one  of  the  judges  over 
the  shades  of  the  dead,  while  in  Bansalan  he  is  identified  with  Eug- 
pamolak Manobo. 

1  A  hanger  in  which  offerings  are  placed. 


September,   19 13.       Wied  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.     107 

XI.  Tigyama.  A  class  of  spirits,  one  of  whom  looks  after  each 
family.  When  children  marry,  the  tigyama  of  the  two  families  unite 
to  form  one  who  thereafter  guards  the  couple.  While  usually  well 
disposed  they  are  capable  of  killing  those  who  fail  to  show  them  respect, 
or  who  violate  the  rules  governing  family  life. 

XII.  Diwata.  A  class  of  numerous  spirits  who  serve  Kugpamolak 
Manobo. 

XIII.  Anito.  A  name  applied  to  a  great  body  of  spirits,  some  of 
whom  are  said  formerly  to  have  been  people.  They  know  all  medicines 
and  cures  for  illness,  and  it  is  from  them  that  the  mabalian  secures  her 
knowledge  and  her  power.  They  also  assist  the  tigyama  in  caring  for 
the  families. 

XIV.  Buso.  Mean,  evil  spirits  who  eat  dead  people  and  have 
some  power  to  injure  the  living.  A  young  Bagobo  described  his  idea 
of  a  buso  as  follows:  "He  has  a  long  body,  long  feet  and  neck,  curly 
hair,  and  black  face,  flat  nose,  and  one  big  red  or  yellow  eye.  He  has 
big  feet  and  fingers,  but  small  arms,  and  his  two  big  teeth  are  long 
and  pointed.  Like  a  dog  he  goes  about  eating  anything,  even  dead 
persons."  As  already  noted,  the  people  of  Malilla  are  inclined  to 
identify  the  gimokod  of  the  left  side  with  this  evil  class. 

XV.  Tagamaling.     Evil  spirits  who  dwell  in  big  trees. 

XVI.  Tigbanua.  Ill  disposed  beings  inhabiting  rocks  and  cliffs  in 
the  mountains.  These  last  two  classes  are  frequently  confused  with 
the  buso. 

In  addition  to  these,  the  old  men  of  Malilla  gave  the  following: 

1.  Tagareso.  Low  spirits  who  cause  people  to  become  angry  and 
to  do  little  evil  deeds.     In  some  cases  they  cause  insanity. 

2.  Sarinago.  Spirits  who  steal  rice.  It  is  best  to  appease  them, 
otherwise  the  supply  of  rice  will  vanish  rapidly. 

3.  Tagasoro.  Beings  who  cause  sudden  anger  which  results  in 
quarrels  and  death.  They  are  the  ones  who  furnish  other  spirits  with 
human  flesh. 

4  and  5.  Balinonok  and  his  wife  Balinsogo.  This  couple  love  blood 
and  for  this  reason  cause  men  and  women  to  fight  cm  to  run  amuck. 

6.  Siring.  Mischievous  spirits  who  inhabit  caves,  cliffs,  and 
dangerous  places.  They  have  long  nails  and  can  be  distinguished  by 
that  characteristic.  They  sometimes  impersonate  members  of  the 
family  and  thus  succeed  in  stealing  women  and  children,  whom  they 
carry  to  their  mountain  homes.  The  captives  are  not  eaten  but  are 
fed  on  snakes  and  worms,  and  should  they  try  to  escape  the  siring  will 
scratch  them  with  their  long  nails. 


ios     Field  Museum  or  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

( )thcr  spirits  were  named  and  described  by  individuals,  but  as  they 
are  not  generally  accepted  by  the  people  of  the  tribe  they  are  not 
mentioned  here. 

The  stars,  thunder  and  lightning,  and  similar  phenomena  are 
generally  considered  as  "lights  or  signs"  belonging  to  the  spirits,  yet 
one  frequently  hears  hazy  tales  such  as  that  "the  constellation  Marara 
is  a  one-legged  and  one-armed  man  who  sometimes  causes  cloudy 
weather  at  planting  time  so  that  people  may  not  see  his  deformities," 
or  we  are  told  that  "the  sun  was  placed  in  the  sky  by  the  creator,  an  1 
on  it  lives  an  evil  spirit  who  sometimes  kills  people.  The  sun  is  moved 
about  by  the  wind;"  again,  "the  sun  and  moon  were  once  married  and 
all  the  stars  are  their  children." 

Despite  repeated  assertions  by  previous  writers  that  the  Bagobo  are 
fire-worshippers  no  evidence  was  obtained  during  our  visit  to  support 
the  statement.  The  older  people  insisted  that  it  was  not  a  spirit  and 
that  no  offerings  were  ever  made  to  it.  One  maballan  stated  that  fire 
was  injurious  to  a  woman  in  her  periods  and  hence  it  was  best  for  her 
not  to  cook  at  such  times;  she  was  also  of  the  opinion  that  fire  was  of 
two  kinds,  good  and  bad,  and  hence  might  belong  to  both  good  and 
bad  spirits. 

A  common  method  used  by  the  spirits  to  communicate  with  mortals 
is  through  the  call  of  the  limokon.1  All  the  people  know  the  meaning 
of  its  calls  and  all  respect  its  warnings.  If  a  man  is  starting  to  buy 
or  trade  for  an  article  and  this  bird  gives  its  warning  the  sale  is  stopped. 
Should  the  limokon  call  when  a  person  is  on  the  trail  he  at  once  doubles 
his  fist  and  thrusts  it  in  the  direction  from  which  the  warning  comes. 
If  it  becomes  necessary  to  point  backwards,  it  is  a  signal  to  return,  or 
should  the  arm  point  directly  in  front  it  is  certain  that  danger  is  there, 
and  it  is  best  to  turn  back  and  avoid  it.  When  it  is  not  clear  from 
whence  the  note  came,  the  traveler  looks  toward  the  right  side.  If  he 
sees  there  strong,  sturdy  trees,  he  knows  that  all  is  well,  but  if  they  are 
cut  or  weaklings,  he  should  use  great  care  to  avoid  impending  danger. 
When  questioned  as  to  why  one  should  look  only  to  the  right,  an  old 
man  quickly  replied:  "The  right  side  belongs  to  you;  the  left  side  is 
bad  and  belongs  to  someone  else." 

Sneezing  is  a  bad  omen,  and  should  a  person  sneeze  when  about 
to  undertake  a  journey,  he  knows  that  it  is  a  warning  of  danger,  and 
will  delay  until  another  time. 

Certain  charms,  or  actions,  are  of  value  either  in  warding  off  evil 
spirits,  in  causing  trouble  or  death  to  an  enemy,  or  in  gaining  an  ad- 

1  See  p.  63,  note. 


September,   1915.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      109 

vantage  over  another  in  trading  and  in  games.  <  >ne  type  of  charm  is 
a  narrow  cloth  belt  in  which  "medicines"  arc  tied.  These  medicines 
may  be  peculiarly  shaped  stones,  bits  of  fungus  growth,  a  tooth,  shell, 
or  similar  object.  Such  belts  are  known  as  pamadan,  or  lambos,  and 
are  worn  soldier-fashion  over  one  shoulder.  They  are  supposed  to 
protect  their  owners  in  battle  or  to  make  it  easy  for  them  to  get  the 
best  oi  other  parties  in  a  trade.  A  little  dust  gathered  from  the  foot- 
print of  an  enemy  and  placed  in  one  of  these  belts  will  immediately 
cause  the  foe  to  become  ill. 

It  is  a  simple  matter  to  cause  a  person  to  become  insane.  All  that 
is  needed  is  to  secure  a  piece  of  his  hair,  or  clothing,  place  it  .in  a  dish  of 
water  and  stir  in  one  direction  for  several  hours. 

Father  Gisbert  relates  the  following  method  of  detecting  theft: 

"There  are  not,  as  a  rule,  many  thefts  among  the  Bagobo,  for  they 
believe  that  a  thief  can  be  discovered  easily  by  means  of  their  famous 
bongat.  That  consists  of  two  small  joints  of  bamboo,  which  contain 
certain  mysterious  powders.  He  who  has  been  robbed  and  wishes  to 
determine  the  robber  takes  a  hen's  egg,  makes  a  hole  in  it,  puts  a  pinch 
of  the  above  said  powder  in  it,  and  leaves  it  in  the  fire.  If  he  wishes  the 
robber  to  die  he  has  nothing  else  to  do  than  to  break  the  egg;  but  since 
the  thief  may  sometimes  be  a  relative  or  a  beloved  person,  the  egg  is 
not  usually  broken,  so  that  there  may  be  or  may  be  able  to  be  a  remedy. 
For  under  all  circumstances,  when  this  operation  is  performed,  if  the 
robber  lives,  wherever  he  may  be,  he  himself  must  inform  on  himself 
by  crying  out,  T  am  the  thief;  I  am  the  thief,'  as  he  is  compelled  to  do 
(they  say)  by  the  sharp  pain  which  he  feels  all  through  his  bod}'.  W  nen 
he  is  discovered,  he  may  be  cured  by  putting  powder  from  the  other 
joint  into  the  water  and  bathing  his  body  with  it.  This  practice  is 
very  common  here  among  the  heathens  and  Moros.  A  Bagobo,  named 
Anas,  who  was  converted,  gave  me  the  bongat  with  which  he  had  fright- 
ened many  people  when  a  heathen." 

In  Bansalan  crab  shells  are  hung  over  the  doors  of  houses,  for  these 
shells  are  distasteful  to  the  biiso  who  will  thus  be  kept  at  a  distance. 

I  was  frequently  told  of  persons  who  could  foretell  the  future  by 
means  of  palmistry,  but  was  never  able  to  see  a  palmist  at  work,  or  to 
verify  the  information. 

MUSIC,    DANCES   AND   CEREMONIES. 

The  music  for  the  dances  is  generally  furnished  by  one  or  more 
persons  beating  on  several  agongs  of  different  sizes  and  notes,  which 
are  suspended  in  regular  order  from  the  house  rafters  (Plate  XXXa). 


no    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

The  player  stands  in  front  of  the  line  and  begins  to  beat  the  instruments 
with  a  padded  stick.  Oftentimes  he  is  accompanied  by  a  man  who 
strikes  a  wooden  drum  with  the  palm  of  one  hand  and  a  stick  held  in 
the  other.  The  music  grows  faster,  emphasizing  certain  beats,  until 
it  becomes  a  compelling  rhythm  that  starts  the  feet  of  the  onlookers, 
and  suddenly  a  man  or  woman  begins  to  dance.  At  first  she  keeps 
time  to  the  music  by  raising  on  her  toes  and  heels,  bending  the  knees 
and  twisting  the  body  from  side  to  side,  but  soon  she  becomes  more 
animated,  the  feet  are  raised  high  above  the  floor  and  brought  down 
with  a  sort  of  shuffle  which  reminds  one  of  the  sound  made  by  the  feet 
of  a  clog  dancer.  Still  swaying  her  body,  she  begins  to  circle,  contra- 
clockwise,  around  the  gongs,  and  soon  she  is  joined  by  others  until 
all  the  dancing  space  is  filled.  The  scene  is  most  picturesque,  for  these 
dances  usually  occur  at  night,  in  rooms  illuminated  only  by  the  flickering 
light  of  torches.  The  rich  clothing  of  the  participants  loses  nothing 
of  its  beauty  in  this  dim  light,  while  the  bells  and  rattles  with  which 
each  dancer  surrounds  arms, legs  and  ankles, add  to  the  din  and  weirdness 
of  the  occasion.  Before  the  dance  has  progressed  far  the  musicians 
begin  to  keep  time  with  their  feet  and  frequently  dance  away  from 
their  instruments,  circle,  and  then  return  to  continue  the  music. 

With  slight  variation,  this  is  the  dance  used  on  all  occasions.     At 
certain  ceremonies  small  gongs,  or  the  bolang  bolang,1  replace  the  agongs, 
and  at  times  also  a  single  dancer  will  accompany  himself  on  the  kodlon  - 
a  long  wooden  guitar  with  rattan  strings  (Plate  XXXb). 


FIG.    33. 

taw-Gau  or  bamboo  Guitar. 


In  this  description  we  have  named  a  large  share  of  the  musical 
instruments  used  by  the  Bagobo.  The  women  frequently  play  on  a 
sort  of  guitar  made  of  a  section  of  bamboo  from  the  outside  of  which 
narrow  strings  are  cut.  These  are  raised  and  made  taut  with  small 
wooden  bridges  and  are  then  picked  with  a  stick  or  the  fingers  (Fig.  33). 
Bamboo  Jew's-harps  and  mouth  flutes  are  played  by  the  men,  but  the 


1  An  instrument  made  by  placing  a  small  board  on  a  rice  mortar, 
or  beaten  with  short  sticks,  or  with  the  wooden  pestles. 


This  is  pounded 


September,  19*3 •       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — CoeE.     hi 

nose  flute,  so  common  in  most  parts  of  the  Philippines,  was  not  seen  in 
use  here. 

The  ceremonies  and  dances  are  so  closely  associated  with  every  day 
affairs  that  in  the  description  of  the  life  of  the  people  up  to  this  point 
we  have  left  only  a  few  still  to  be  discussed.  These  are,  in  the  main, 
very  similar  throughout  the  Bagobo  belt,  but  to  avoid  confusion  the 
description  here  given  of  the  two  greatest  events  of  the  year — the 
GinEm  ceremony  and  the  human  sacrifice — deals  with  Cibolan,  unless 
expressly  stated  to  the  contrary. 

The  greatest  of  all  Bagobo  ceremonies — the  GinEm — may  be  given 
by  the  datu  within  three  or  four  months  after  the  appearance  of  the 
constellation  Balatik,  when  the  moon  is  new  or  full.  Its  object  is  to 
thank  the  spirits  for  success  in  war  or  domestic  affairs,  to  ward  off 
sickness  and  other  dangers,  to  drive  away  the  huso,  and  finally  to  so 
gratify  the  spirits  that  they  will  be  pleased  to  increase  the  wealth  of 
all  the  people.  Datu  Tongkaling  expressed  a  belief  that  this  ceremony 
is  in  a  way  related  to  the  rice  harvest,  "for  it  is  always  made  when  there 
is  plenty  of  rice  in  the  granaries."  It  appears  to  the  writer,  however, 
that  this  ceremony  probably  originated  in  connection  with  warfare. 

According  to  the  tales  of  the  old  men,  it  was  formerly  the  custom  to 
go  on  a  raid  before  this  ceremony  was  to  take  place,  and  successful 
warriors  would  bring  home  with  them  the  skulls  of  their  victims  which 
they  tied  to  the  patan'nan.1  It  seems  also  to  have  been  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  yearly  sacrifice,  for  it  was  never  made  until  after  the 
appearance  of  the  constellation  Balatik,  and  without  doubt  a  sacrifice 
frequently  did  take  place  during  the  first  day  of  the  ceremony,  at  the 
time  the  decorated  poles  were  raised.  However,  such  an  offering  at 
this  time  did  not  relieve  the  datu  from  the  obligation  of  making  the 
regular  sacrifice. 

Datu  Ansig  of  Talun  informed  me  that,  unless  the  death  of  some 
great  person  made  a  special  sacrifice  necessary,  there  was  only  one  such 
offering  made  during  the  year,  and  that  at  the  time  the  decorated  poles 
were  placed  in  the  dwelling. 

The  time  for  the  festival  having  been  agreed  upon,  messsengers  are 
sent  to  other  datu  and  head-men,  inviting  them  and  their  people  to 
attend.  Sufficient  food  is  prepared  for  the  guests  and  when  all  is  ready 
the  mabalian  takes  one  chicken  from  among  those  to  be  used  for  food 
and  frees  it  as  an  offering  to  the  gimokod.     It  is  bidden  to  wander 

1  Ceremonial  poles  dedicated  to  Mandarangan  and  Darago.  In  Digos  and 
Bansalan  the  skulls  were  not  taken  but  hair  cut  from  the  heads  of  enemies  was 
placed  in  the  swinging  altar  balakat,  and  were  left  there  until  the  conclusion  of  the 
ceremony. 


ii2    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

about  in  the  forest,  and  no  one  will  molest  the  fowl,  for  should  he  do  so 
he  is  certain  to  become  ill.1  The  mabalian  has  previously  placed  festoons 
of  leaves  and  vines  at  various  points  in  the  house  and  now  she  spreads 
a  mat  on  the  floor.  A  jar  of  balaba,  wine,  stands  at  each  corner,  while 
at  one  end  is  an  agong,  and  a  plate  containing  betel  nut,  leaf,  and  two 
varieties  of  rattan;  at  the  other  end  are  several  tambara.  When  all  is 
thus  prepared  the  people  place  offerings  of  beautiful  clothing,  knives, 
and  other  costly  gifts  on  the  mat.  Two  mabalian,  a  man  and  a  woman 
call  upon  the  spirits,2  urging  them  to  look  with  favor  on  the  offering 
made  by  the  people,  to  grant  them  a  good  year  with  health  and  plentiful 
harvests,  to  let  their  journeys  be  without  mishap,  and  to  keep  them  all 
under  their  constant  care.  The  tambara  are  fastened  in  various  parts 
of  the  house,  and  the  gifts  are  hung  on  or  laid  beside  them.  Later  these 
offerings  may  be  removed  by  their  former  owners  who  now  regard  them 
as  being  loaned  to  them  by  the  spirits. 

Following  the  offering  the  magani  go  to  a  bamboo  thicket  and  cut 
two  large  poles,  one  nine  sections  long,  the  other  eight.  With  each 
stroke  of  the  knife  the  men  give  their  battle  cry,  then  when  the  poles 
are  felled,  all  seize  hold  and  carry  them  to  the  house  of  the  datn.  Here 
they  are  decorated,  first  by  being  cut  down  for  short  distances,  thus 
leaving  the  lower  part  attached  so  that  the  shavings  make  a  sort  of 
fringe,  and  then  by  attaching  strips  of  palm  or  bamboo  leaves  and 
cloth  or  palm  leaf  streamers.  When  complete  these  poles  are  known 
as  patan'nan  and  are  then  the  property  of  the  spirits  Mandanagan  and 
Darago.  The  longer  one  is  for  the  male  spirit,  while  the  one  of  eight 
sections  is  for  his  wife.  Under  no  circumstances  may  anyone  not  a 
magani  touch  these  poles.  They  are  carried  into  the  house  and  are 
fastened  near  to  the  elevated  platform  at  the  end  of  the  room  where  the 
datu  or  leading  magani  stands  ready  to  sacrifice  a  chicken.  He  allows 
some  of  the  blood  from  the  offering  to  drip  onto  the  poles,  at  the  same 
time  begging  the  spirits  not  to  let  the  people  fight  or  quarrel  during  the 
GtnEm,  "for  blood  is  now  being  offered."  In  at  least  two  recent 
offerings  the  datu  urged  the  spirits  to  be  content  with  this  offering  of  a 
fowl,  since  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  kill  a  man.  At  this  time, 
it  is  said,  the  skulls  of  enemies  should  be  attached  to  the  patan'nan. 
As  the  leader  finishes  his  offering,  the  men  and  boys  gather  about  the 
poles  and  yell  lustily,  then  sit  quietly  down  and  amuse  themselves  by 
chewing  betel  nut  until  the  chicken,  just  killed,  and  the  other  food 

1  This  offering  is  not  made  at  Bansalan,  neither  has  the  mabalian  any  part  in 
the  ceremonies  of  the  first  day. 

2  Those  called  at  this  time  are  Toglai,  Togllbon,  tigyma,  and  Kalayagan — 
Eugpamolak  Manobo. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      113 

has  been  prepared  for  eating.  Old  dishes  are  placed  in  the  center  of 
the  floor  and  in  them  food  is  offered  for  all  the  spirits,  but  in  the  exact 
center  of  all  is  a  large  plate  of  white  food  for  the  supreme  being.  A 
second  large  dish  of  food  is  placed  in  a  tambara  at  the  corner  of  the 
room  as  an  offering  to  the  warrior  deities  "so  that  they  will  not  eat 
anyone  during  the  fiesta."  Again  the  spirits  are  besought  to  give 
them  a  good  year,  with  abundant  crops,  health,  and  success  in  war. 
Going  to  the  patan'nan  each  maganl,  beginning  with  the  datu  or  his 
son,  takes  hold  of  the  poles,  and  in  a  loud  voice,  begins  to  confess  all  his 
warlike  deeds.  He  relates  how  and  when  he  killed  his  victims,  the 
number  of  sacrifices  he  has  participated  in,  the  towns  he  has  sacked 
and  the  slaves  he  has  captured.  In  short,  he  tells  of  all  the  manly 
deeds  he  has  performed  in  order  to  gain  the  right  to  wear  his  red  suit 
and  be  known  as  maganl.  When  all  have  confessed,  the  men  and  boys 
eat  the  chicken  which  was  sacrificed  before  the  poles,  and  from  then 
until  near  midnight,  all  the  people  may  dance  to  the  music  of  the 
agongs  or  may  indulge  in  feasting  and  drinking.  From  the  middle  of 
the  night  until  daybreak  they  chant  songs  or  poems,  many  words  of 
which  are  now  obsolete  so  that  they  are  not  fully  understood.1 

The  festival  may  last  one  or  more  days.  The  last  held  in  Cibolan 
(1909)  extended  through  two  days  and  nights.  At  that  time  no  offerings 
were  made  to  the  spirits  on  the  second  day,  but  the  people  feasted  and 
drank  while  the  daiu  gathered  a  little  apart  and  held  a  council. 

In  Malilla  the  second  day  of  this  ceremony  is  called  EgbikbEgdybe 
and  is  given  over  almost  entirely  to  the  women.  Two  tambara  are 
erected  in  the  house,  and  young  betel  nut  buds  and  women's  skirts  are 
hung  on  them.  The  women  and  some  men  form  a  line  and  dance  in  a 
circle  around  the  offerings,  keeping  time  to  music  furnished  by  beating 
small  gongs,  or  by  pounding  on  a  board  resting  on  a  rice  mortar.2  Before 
each  dance  the  mabalian  informs  a  spirit  that  this  dance  is  for  him  and 
it  is  customary  to  add  a  gift  of  some  kind  to  those  already  on  the 
tambara.  Sixteen  spirits  are  thus  honored.  Throughout  the  day  there 
is  much  feasting  and  drinking,  and  at  some  time  before  sunset  the 
women  are  baptized.  Having  filled  an  old  agong  with  water,  the 
mabalian  dips  certain  leaves  into  it  and  sprinkles  the  heads  of  the 
women  present  eight  times,  meanwhile  bidding  the  spirits  to  grant  to 
them  a  good  mind  and  habit. 

1  Mr.  Gohn  informs  me  that  at  midnight  during  the  last  GinEtn  mack-  by  Datu 
Ali  in  Santa  Cruz,  a  gun  was  fired,  and  the  datu  said  that  a  sacrifice  should  have 
taken  place  at  that  time. 

2  See  p.  1 10,  note. 


ii4     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Mr.  Gohn,  a  planter  of  Santa  Cruz  who  lias  witnessed  a  number  of 
these  ceremonies,  says  that  with  the  Bagobo  of  that  place  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  datu  to  baptize  the  women  prior  to  the  day  of  GinEm. 
On  the  second  day,  a  mabalian  provided  a  long  palm  leaf,  and  a  number 
of  betel  nut  buds  which,  she  said,  represented  streams,  rivers,  tribes, 
and  individuals.  Taking  up  a  bud  she  swung  the  palm  leaf  above  it, 
chanting  meanwhile,  and,  as  she  finished,  handed  it  to  the  datu  who 
opened  it  and  read  the  signs  sent  by  the  spirits.  At  the  conclusion  of 
this  act,  all  the  women  went  to  the  river  to  bathe. 

In  the  writings  of  the  early  missionary  fathers  stationed  among  the 
Bagobo  are  found  many  references  to  human  sacrifices.  Since  American 
occupation  several  articles  have  appeared  describing  this  custom,  and 
following  the  sacrifice  held  in  Talun  in  1907,  this  practice  became  the 
subject  of  official  communication  between  the  Governor  of  the  District 
and  his  superiors.  While  these  descriptions  agree,  in  the  main,  there 
are  so  many  minor  variations  that  it  seems  best  to  first  relate  the  account 
given  to  the  writer  by  Datu  Tongkaling  and  ten  of  his  magani,  after 
which  we  shall  take  up  some  of  the  earlier  accounts,  and  the  official 
correspondence  of  1907. 

Datu  Tongkaling  is  a  magani.  He  claims  to  have  killed  more  than 
thirty  of  his  enemies  in  fair  fight  and  to  have  assisted  in,  or  to  have 
witnessed,  an  even  greater  number  of  sacrifices.  Prior  to  his  elevation 
to  the  office  of  datu  he  had  aided  in  several  of  the  yearly  offerings.  At 
the  time  he  became  datu  he  entertained  all  his  people  for  seven  days 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  last  day,  in  the  presence  of  his  subjects,  he 
alone  sacrificed  a  decrepit  Bila-an  slave  for  whom  he  had  paid  three 
agougs.  Hence,  probably,  no  man  in  the  tribe  is  better  fitted  to  describe 
this  event  than  he. 

According  to  him,  a  sacrifice  should  be  held  each  year  following  the 
appearance  in  the  sky  of  a  constellation  of  seven  stars  known  as  Balatik 
("pig  trap").1  The  stars  are  placed  there  by  the  spirits  for  two  pur- 
poses : — first,  to  inform  the  people  that  it  is  time  to  prepare  for  the 
clearing  of  new  fields;  second,  to  remind  them  that  they  should  offer 
a  slave  to  Mandarangan,  Darago,  and  Balakat  as  payment  for  the 
good  year  they  have  enjoyed,  and  to  secure  their  good  will  for  the 
coming  season.  A  great  epidemic  or  continued  calamaties  might  also 
be  signs  that  the  spirits  were  in  need  of  another  offering,  and  this  could 
take  place  at  any  time.  Upon  the  death  of  an  adult  it  becomes  the 
duty  of  the  family  to  make  a  sacrifice,  but,  unless  the  deceased  is  of 

1  This  is  the  constellation  Orion  which  appears  early  in  December. 


September,   i 9  i 3 .       Wild  Tribes  ok  Davao  District — Cole.      115 

very  great  importance,  they  may  wait  until  the  yearly  sacrifice1  when 
they  can  purchase  a  share  in  it.  The  one  other  occasion  for  which  this 
offering  is  obligatory  is  the  installation  of  a  new  datu  in  office.  For  the 
yearly  event  the  ruler  should  provide  a  decrepit  slave,  and  then  invite 
all  those  who  have  had  death  or  trouble  in  the  family  and  who  wish  a 
part  in  the  sacrifice  to  help  bear  the  expense  of  the  ceremony.  Guests 
gather  from  near  and  far  and  for  two  or  three  days,  feast,  dance,  and 
make  merry  in  the  house  of  the  datu.  On  the  morning  of  the  last  day 
they  accompany  their  leader  to  a  great  tree  in  the  forest  and  there 
witness  or  take  part  in  the  sacrifice.  The  victim  is  tied  with  his  back 
to  the  tree,  his  arms  stretched  high  above  his  head.  Meanwhile  a 
little  table  or  altar  is  constructed  near  by,  and  on  it  the  principals 
place  their  offerings  of  betel  nut,  clothes,  or  weapons,  and  on  top  of  all 
is  a  dish  of  white  food  for  Eugpamolak  Manobo.  When  all  is  ready 
one  of  the  magam  begins  a  prayer,  begging  the  spirits  to  look  and  see 
that  the  people  are  following  the  old  custom,  to  give  them  success  in 
battle,  and  to  protect  their  homes  from  sickness  and  enemies.  The 
prayer  being  completed,  the  datu  places  his  spear  below  and  just  in 
front  of  the  right  armpit;  then  all  those  who  have  purchased  a  share  in 
the  victim  take  hold  of  the  weapon,  and  at  a  signal  given  by  the  datu, 
thrust  it  through  the  body.  As  soon  as  it  is  withdrawn,  the  magam 
who  has  offered  the  greatest  price  for  the  privilege  attempts  to  cut 
the  body  in  two  with  one  blow  of  his  fighting  knife.  If  he  fails  in  the 
attempt,  another  tries,  and  so  on  until  someone  succeeds.  The  two 
portions  are  then  released  from  the  tree  and  cast  into  a  shallow  grave 
near  by.  Before  the  body  is  covered  with  earth  any  person  who  wishes 
may  cut  off  a  portion  of  the  flesh  or  hair  and  carry  it  to  the  grave  of 
some  relative  whom  he  may  have  reason  to  believe  is  being  troubled 
by  evil  spirits.  In  such  a  case  the  evil  spirit  will  be  content  to  eat  of  the 
slave,  and  cease  disturbing  the  other  body.  Returning  to  the  house 
of  the  datu,  the  people  continue  the  dancing  and  merry-making  through- 
out another  night. 

The  following  accounts  are  extracts  from  the  official  correspondence 
forwarded  by  the  Governor  of  Davao  to  the  Governor  of  the  A'loro 
Province : 

"I  have  the  honor  to  submit  herewith  a  full  report  of  an  investigation 
made  by  myself  and  the  Senior  Inspector  of  Constabulary  of  Davao, 
regarding  a  human  sacrifice  made  by  the  Bagobos  at  Talun  near  Digos 
on  Dec.  9th,  1907. 

1  We  have  already  seen  that  this  offering  sometimes  occurs  during  the  GtnEi 
ceremony. 


n6     Field  Museum  oe  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

"We  left  Davao  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  December  and  arrived 
at  Digos  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day.  An  order  was  immediately 
sent  out  to  the  Bagobos  of  Talun  to  come  down  to  Digos  to  meet  us. 

"On  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  entire  population  of  Talun — men, 
women  and  children,  to  the  number  of  almost  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
arrived  at  Digos.     They  were  informed  that  it  was  reported  that  a 
human  sacrifice  had  been  made  at  their  town  and  that  the  authorities 
desired  to  know  if  this  was  so. 

"Datto  Ansig  replied  that  it  was  true  that  a  sacrifice  had  been  held 
as  stated  and  that  both  he  and  his  people  were  ready  to  tell  all  about 
it  as  to  the  best  of  their  belief  they  had  committed  no  crime,  but  only 
followed  out  a  religious  custom  practiced  by  themselves  and  their 
ancestors  from  time  immemorial. 

"From  the  statements  made  by  Ansig  and  his  followers,  it  appears 
as  follows: 

"That  the  Bagobos  have  several  gods,  'Bacalad,'  God  of  the 
spirits,  Agpanmole  Monobo,  God  of  good  and  his  wife  the  goddess 
Dewata;  Mandarangan,  the  God  of  evil  (corresponding  perhaps  to 
our  devil)  and  to  whom  sacrifice  is  made  to  appease  his  wrath  which  is 
shown  by  misfortune,  years  of  drought,  or  evil  befalling  the  tribe  or  its 
members,  also  it  is  at  times  necessary  to  offer  him  human  sacrifice  so 
that  he  will  allow  the  spirits  of  the  deceased  to  rest,  etc.  They  say  that 
in  case  a  Bagobo  of  rank  or  influence  dies,  and  his  widow  be  unable  to 
secure  another  husband,  it  is  necessary  for  her  to  offer  sacrifice  to 
appease  the  spirit  of  her  departed  husband  in  order  that  she  may  secure 
another.  In  order  that  these  sacrifices  be  not  made  too  often,  it  is 
customary  for  the  old  men  of  the  town  to  gather  together  once  each 
year  during  a  time  when  a  collection  of  seven  stars,  three  at  right  angle 
to  the  other  four,  are  seen  in  the  heavens  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
which  is  said  to  occur  once  each  year  during  the  first  part  of  the  month  of 
December. 

"This  collection  of  stars  is  called  by  the  Bagobos  'Balatic,'  and  is 
the  sign  of  the  sacrifice,  that  is,  if  a  sacrifice  is  to  occur,  it  must  take 
place  during  the  time  that  the  stars  are  in  this  position. 

"The  old  men  meet  and  decide  if  enough  misfortune  has  overtaken 
the  tribe  or  village  during  the  period  since  the  last  sacrifice  to  render 
necessary  another  tribute  to  the  god  of  evil.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
offer  a  sacrifice  for  each  evil,  but  when  the  misfortunes  amount  to  a 
considerable,  a  sacrifice  is  held  to  cover  the  entire  lot. 

"In  this  case  it  appears  that  two  widows,  Addy  and  Obby,  went  to 
Datto  Ansig  and  requested  that  he  arrange  a  sacrifice  to  appease  the 


September.   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      117 

spirits  of  their  departed  husbands  which  were  bothering  them.  Ansig 
called  a  meeting  of  the  old  men  at  which  were  present  besides  himself 
Bagobos  Oling,  Pandaya,  and  Ansig,  and  these  four  decided  that  as 
they  had  not  had  a  sacrifice  since  the  great  drought  (about  three  years 
ago)  and  that  since  that  time  many  evils  had  befallen  them,  it  would 
be  well  to  offer  a  sacrifice.  These  four  men  sent  out  to  find  a  slave 
for  sacrifice,  the  finder  becoming  the  chief  of  the  sacrifice. 

"Ongon,  a  henchman  of  Datto  Ansig,  purchased  from  Bagobo  Ido, 
a  Bilan  slave  boy  named  Sacum  about  eight  years  old  and  who  was 
deaf  and  cross-eyed,  and  had  other  defects  of  vision,  making  him  of 
little  or  no  value  as  a  laborer.  Ido  originally  received  this  slave  from 
Duon,  a  Bilan,  as  a  wedding  present  when  he  married  Duon's  daughter 
about  a  year  ago. 

"Ongon  agreed  to  pay  Ido  five  agongs  for  the  boy  and  took  him  to 
the  house  of  Ansig  where  arrangements  were  made  for  the  sacrifice  by 
calling  on  all  who  for  any  reason  had  need  to  appease  the  evil  spirits 
to  come  and  take  part.  Three  days  after  the  slave  was  brought  to  the 
house  of  Ansig,  the  people  met  at  Talun  near  the  river  Inolia,  a  short 
distance  from  Ansig's  house,  this  being  the  regular  place  of  sacrifice. 

"Leaving  the  house  of  Ansig  the  boy  Sacum  was  seated  upon  the 
ground  near  the  place  of  sacrifice.  He  was  naked  but  no  other  prep- 
aration was  made  with  regard  to  the  person.  Upon  a  platform  or 
bench  of  bamboo  about  two  feet  high  and  a  foot  or  two  square  was 
placed  a  small  basket  or  receptacle  made  of  the  bark  of  the  bunga  tree ; 
in  this  each  person  present  and  taking  part  in  the  sacrifice  placed  a 
piece  of  betel-nut,  over  this  the  men  placed  their  head  handkerchiefs 
and  the  women  strips  of  the  bark  of  the  palma  tree.  Upon  this  the 
men  laid  their  bolos,  and  spears  were  then  stuck  in  the  ground  in  a 
circle  around  the  platform.  Next  Datto  Ansig  as  chief  of  the  sacrifice 
made  an  oration  which  was  about  as  follows:  'Oh,  Mandarangan, 
chief  of  evil  spirits  and  all  the  other  spirits,  come  to  our  feast  and 
accept  our  sacrifice.  Let  this  sacrifice  appease  your  wrath  and  take 
from  us  our  misfortunes,  granting  us  better  times.' 

"After  this,  the  boy  Sacum  was  brought  forward  by  Ongon,  placed 
against  a  small  tree  about  six  feet  high,  his  hands  tied  above  his  head, 
and  his  body  tied  to  the  tree  with  bejuco  strips  at  the  waist  and  knees. 
Ansig  then  placed  a  spear  at  the  child's  right  side  at  a  point  below  the 
right  arm  and  above  the  margin  of  the  ribs.  This  lance  was  grasped 
by  the  widows  Addy  and  Obby,  who  at  a  signal  from  Ansig  forced  it 
through  the  child's  body,  it  coming  out  at  the  other  side.  It  was 
immediately  withdrawn  and  the  body  cut  in  two  at  the  waist  by  bolos 


u8     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

in  the  hands  of  Moesta  Barraro  and  Ola,  after  which  the  body  was  cut 
down  and  chopped  into  bits  by  the  people  present,  each  of  whom  was 
allowed  to  take  a  small  portion  as  a  momento  of  the  occasion,  the 
re  mainder  of  the  body  being  buried  in  a  hole  prepared  for  it. 

"It  is  said  the  child  wras  deaf  and  almost  blind  and  that  it  did  not 
realize  what  was  to  happen  to  it  until  the  moment  it  was  tied  up  when 
it  began  to  cry;  further,  that  death  was  almost  instantaneous,  the  only 
cry  being  one  uttered  when  the  spear  first  entered  the  child's  body. 

"Datto  Ansig,  a  man  about  sixty  years  of  age,  says  that  in  his  life 
he  has  attended  or  officiated  at  fifty  human  sacrifices,  more  or  less, 
both  among  the  Bagobos  and  the  Bilanes,  and  that  human  sacrifice  is 
also  practiced  among  the  Tagacolos,  although  he  has  never  been  present 
at  one  held  by  that  tribe. 

"The  Bagobos  do  not  sacrifice  any  but  old  and  decrepit  or  useless 
slaves  captured  from  other  tribes,  but  the  Bilanes  sacrifice  even  their 
own  people. 

"Being  asked  if  it  was  customary  to  eat  any  portion  of  the  body 
sacrificed,  Ansig  replied  that  it  was  not  customary  nor  did  he  know 
of  any  case  where  such  had  occurred. 

"The  last  sacrifice  before  this  was  held  at  Talun  during  the  year 
of  the  drought  (about  1905)  when  a  Bilan  slave,  an  old  man  who  was 
paralyzed  in  one  arm,  was  sacrificed  by  Datto  Oling,  his  master. 

"Asked  if  the  sacrifice  of  an  animal  would  not  do  as  well  as  that  of 
a  human  being,  they  said,  'No,  better  to  have  no  sacrifice  at  all.' 

"They  appeared  utterly  unconscious  of  having  committed  any 
crime,  told  their  story  with  frankness,  said  it  was  a  matter  not  talked 
about  among  their  own  people  but  that  if  we  wanted  to  know  the  facts 
they  would  give  them  to  the  authorities.  They  claimed  the  offering  of 
human  sacrifices  by  their  tribe  to  be  an  old  custom  and,  as  far  as  they 
knew  the  only  way  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  evil  spirits,  but  said 
if  they  were  ordered  to  give  the  custom  up  they  would  do  so  even  if 
the  devil  got  them  all." 

Then  follows  the  statement  of  an  eye  witness  to  the  ceremony : 
"My  name  is  Modesta  Barrera;  I  live  in  the  town  of  Santa  Cruz,  my 
father  being  a  Visayan,  my  mother  a  Bagobo.     I  cannot  read  or  write, 
and  I  think  that  I  am  about  twenty-three  years  old,   although   I   am 
not  certain  on  that  point. 

"On  the  8th  instant  myself,  Baon,  Otoy,  and  Oton  left  Santa  Cruz 
early  in  the  morning  to  go  to  Talun,  a  day's  march  from  Santa  Cruz, 
for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  natives  of  Talun,  and  also  to  collect 
some   debts   which   they   owed   Baon.      We   remained   that   night   at 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     119 

Saculampula,  near  Talun,  where  Ungon  and  Ido,  two  Bagobos,  live  with 
their  families.  There  we  found  two  children  the  only  persons  at  the 
house  who  informed  us  that  we  should  go  to  the  house  of  Ambing,  at 
Talun,  where  we  could  sell  our  merchandise.  On  the  morning  of  the 
9th  we  got  up  about  7  or  8  o'clock  and  started  for  Ambing's  house. 
When  within  about  an  hour's  walk  of  the  house,  we  found  a  great  many 
people  congregated  together.  We  were  told  that  a  human  sacrifice 
had  just  taken  place  and  on  approaching  to  discover  what  had  happened, 
we  saw  a  little  boy  about  eight  or  nine  years  old,  the  upper  half  of 
whose  body  was  suspended  by  the  wrists  to  a  tree,  the  lower  half  lying  on 
the  ground.  The  child  had  been  thus  tied  up  while  alive  and  had  been 
cut  into  two  parts  at  the  waist;  this  was  about  the  position  of  the 
body  when  we  saw  it. 

"Immediately  about  twenty  persons  began  to  chop  the  body  into 
small  pieces;  and  Ansig,  the  datto  of  Talun,  came  over  to  us  and  gave 
Eaon  two  pieces  of  the  victim's  hair  attached  to  the  scalp,  which  is  a 
sign  of  the  sacrifice.  The  victim  was  a  slave  owned  and  sacrificed  by 
Datto  Ansig.  The  first  bolo  cut  which  severs  the  body  at  the  waist 
and  which  in  this  case  we  were  told  was  done  by  Ansig  is  always  per- 
formed by  the  person  making  the  sacrifice.  The  people  present  were 
guests  of  Ansig  and  were  not  responsible  for  the  killing,  though  it  is  the 
custom  for  the  more  favored  ones  to  assist  in  chopping  the  victim  into 
small  pieces  after  death." 

In  the  letters  written  by  Father  Gisbert  in  1886,  are  many  references 
to  the  religious  practices  of  the  Bagobo,  from  which  the  following  are 
extracts : 

"The  feast  which  they  hold  before  the  sowing  is  a  criminal  and 
repugnant  trago-comedy.  The  tragical  part  is  the  first  thing  that  is 
done.  When  they  have  assembled  in  the  middle  of  the  woods  *  * 
they  tightly  bind  the  slave  whom  they  are  going  to  sacrifice.  All 
armed  with  sharp  knives,  leap  and  jump  about  their  victim  striking 
him,  one  after  the  other,  or  several  at  one  time,  amid  infernal  cries 
and  shouts,  until  the  body  of  the  victim  sacrificed  has  been  cut  to  bits. 
From  the  place  of  the  sacrifice  they  then  go  to  the  house  of  their  chief 
or  the  master  of  the  feast,  holding  branches  in  their  hands  which  they 
place  in  a  large  bamboo,  which  is  not  only  the  chief  adornment  but  the 
altar  of  the  house  in  which  they  meet  *  *  *  The  principal  part 
is  reserved  for  the  old  man  or  master  of  the  feast,  he  standing  near  the 
bamboo  which  I  have  mentioned  above,  holding  the  vessel  of  wine  in 
his  hand,  and,  talking  with  his  comrades,  addresses  the  great  demon 


120     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

called  Darago,  whose  feast  they  are  celebrating,  in  the  following  words : 
'Darago,  we  are  making  you  this  feast,  with  great  good  will  and 
gladness,  offering  you  the  blood  of  the  sacrifice  which  we  have  made 
and  this  wine  which  we  drink  so  that  you  may  be  our  friend,  accompany 
us,  and  be  propitious  in  our  wars.'   *********** 

"When  they  marry,  if  the  lovers  think  that  it  will  be  of  any  use 
they  make  a  human  sacrifice  so  that  they  may  have  a  good  marriage, 
so  that  the  weather  may  be  good,  so  that  they  may  have  no  storm, 
sickness,  etc.,  all  things  which  they  attribute  to  the  devil.  In  the  same 
way  also  when  they  learn  that  there  is  any  contagious  disease,  or  fear 
death,  several  of  them  assemble  and  make  a  human  sacrifice,  asking 
the  devil  to  let  them  live,  since  they  generously  offer  him  that  victim. 
They  also  believe  that  the  disease  can  be  conjured.  But  the  time  that 
it  is  necessary  to  make  a  sacrifice,  according  to  the  law  of  the  Bagobos, 
is  at  the  death  of  anyone  of  the  family,  before  they  can  remove  the 
laldoan  or  mourning  *  *  *  At  the  point  and  on  the  day  assigned, 
all  the  sacrificers  assemble,  or  possibly  one  member  of  each  of  the 
families  who  are  in  mourning,  at  times  fifty  or  more.  The  value  of  the 
slave  sacrificed  is  paid  among  them  all,  and  he  who  pays  most  has  the 
right  to  sacrifice  first."** 

By  the  side  of  the  trail,  or  in  the  forests,  little  shrines  or  platforms 
about  3  ft.  high  and  a  foot  square  at  the  top,  are  frequently  seen. 
These  are  known  as  bids  and  are  erected  for  the  buso,  in  order  to  avert 
their  displeasure  and  to  keep  them  at  a  distance  from  the  dwellings. 
When  the  family  has  been  subjected  to  petty  annoyances,  or  when  for 
any  other  reason,  the  mabalian  thinks  an  offering  should  be  made,  she 
orders  the  family  to  provide  her  with  betel  nut,  a  piece  of  iron,  and  bits 
of  broken  dishes,  or  castoff  clothing.  These  are  placed  on  the  platform 
and  the  buso  are  exhorted  to  come  and  accept  them.  Good  offerings 
are  never  made  to  this  class  of  spirits,  for  "they  do  not  expect  to  be 
treated  like  the  more  powerful."  A  shrub  known  as  dalingding  is 
planted  by  the  side  of  the  shrine  so  that  its  location  may  be  known  even 
after  the  platform  has  fallen,  and  all  passersby  will  make  some  small 
offering,  hoping  thus  to  keep  these  evil  beings  in  good  humor. 

Rain  can  be  stopped  by  placing  an  offering  of  a  leg  ring,  or  prepared 

betel  nut  beside  the  trail  and  presenting  them  to  the  Gimokod,  at  the 

same  time  asking  them  to  stop  the  downpour. 

**In  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  pp.  244-51,  will  be  found  a  very  in- 
teresting letter  from  Father  GisberT,  in  which  he  describes  the  sacrifice  of  a  Bagabo 
half-blood  who  had  fallen  in  debt. 

The  official  files  in  the  Governor's  office  at  Davao  contain  an  account,  written 
by  Gov.  Bolton,  of  the  sacrifice  at  Cataloonan,  July  1,  1904.  This  was  held  to 
secure  the  return  to  health  of  Chief  Obo,  who  later  died. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      121 

DECORATIVE   ART. 

To  a  stranger  entering  a  Bagobo  house,  in  the  absence  of  its  owners, 
it  appears  that  the  people  have  little  artistic  development.  He  sees 
no  paintings,  no  drawings,  and  few,  if  any,  attempts  to  beautify  the 
house  with  carvings.  The  pots  sitting  by  the  fire  show  no  decoration 
nor  do  the  other  household  utensils  exhibit  embellishment  of  any  kind. 
A  closer  study  of  the  field  baskets,  however,  shows  a  slight  attempt 
to  produce  ornamentation  by  changing  the  weave  of  the  central  band 
from  that  at  the  top  and  bottom,  or  by  adding  a  few  rude  lines  in  pitch. 
The  moment  the  people  enter,  however,  all  is  changed.  The  clothing 
they  wear  is  covered  with  intricate  patterns,  some  realistic,  others 
highly  conventionalized  (Plate  XXXI).  Wonderful  designs  in  beads 
or  shell  disks  appear  on  coats,  jackets,  and  carrying  bags,  while  at 
neck,  waist,  shoulder,  and  at  the  bottom  of  sleeves  and  trousers  are 
other  figures  in  fine  embroidery  or  applique.  Strands  of  beads  and 
seeds  exhibiting  a  great  variety  of  designs  surround  the  necks  of  both 
men  and  women,  while  rings,  armlets,  leglets,  and  anklets  of  beads, 
plaited  material  or  metal,  are  common.  Combs  are  covered  with  pitch 
and  inlaid  with  beads,  or  patterns  are  incised  in  the  wood  and  filled 
with  lime.  Ear  plugs  exhibit  beautiful  delicate  patterns  inlaid  with 
brass  or  silver. 

A  glance  at  the  weapons  carried  by  the  man  shows  that  his  knife 
has  been  ornamented  with  caps  of  brass  (Plate  XXXII),  the  metal 
guard  has  cut  or  cast  patterns  in  its  surface,  while  sheath  and  carrying 
belt  are  covered  with  thin  brass  plates,  painted  lines,  or  a  beaded  cloth 
(Plate  XXXIII)  with  bells  attached.  Fronts  and  backs  of  shields  are 
covered  with  incised  designs,  while  the  metal  ferrule  next  to  the  spear 
head  seldom  lacks  in  conventionalized  figures.  So  the  list  might  be 
extended  to  cover  the  women's  knives  and  their  pocket  and  carrying 
baskets,  as  well  as  the  betel  boxes  and  lime  holders  used  by  both  sexes. 
In  short,  there  seems  to  be  no  end  to  the  list  of  personal  ornaments  and 
equipment  which  may  be  improved  by  carvings,  arrangements  of  beads, 
or  metal  castings  and  inlays.  Even  the  horses  are  decorated  with 
artificial  forelocks  of  hair  and  beads.  Strings  of  bells  surround  their 
necks,  while  saddles  and  whips  display  the  aesthetic  taste  of  their 
owners. 

A  part  of  this  decoration  is  apparently  realistic  and  will  readily  be 
identified  by  any  member  of  the  tribe;  another  part  is  suggestive  and 
with  a  widely  known  meaning,  but  by  far  the  greater  number  of  designs 
have  no  generally  accepted  signification.  The  writer  spent  many  hours 
securing  the  names  of  the  designs  on  textiles,  ornaments,  or  on  lime 


122    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

boxes,  only  to  receive  the  reply  "done  to  make  pretty,"  or  to  find  that 
no  two  of  five  or  a  dozen  informants  could  agree  on  many  patterns, 
while  frequently  it  was  found  that  some  obliging  individual  had  volun- 
teered names  at  one  time  which  he  could  not  remember  on  the  day 
following.  It  is  possible  that  a  long  residence  with  the  people  and 
diligent  inquiry  along  this  line  might  yield  more  definite  results,  but 
for  the  present  the  writer  must  content  himself  by  showing  some  typical 
examples  of  the  decorative  art,  and  adding  a  few  notes  to  the  same. 

The  great  majority  of  baskets  lack  in  decoration,  other  than  that 
which  can  be  obtained  by  a  slight  change  in  the  weave.  In  these  a 
central  band  can  be  distinguished  from  those  at  top  and  bottom,  al- 
though the  same  material  is  used  and  there  is  only  a  minor  variation  in 
the  technique. 

Small  carrying  receptacles,  or  trinket  baskets,  frequently  have 
designs  produced  by  plaiting  the  rattan  or  bamboo  of  natural  color 
with  that  which  has  been  blackened  (Plate  XXXI Va).  No  uniform 
meaning  or  pattern  name  seems  to  be  attached  to  the  designs  shown  in 
this  specimen,  but  an  incised  design  on  the  wooden  rim  was  readily 
identified  as  a  crocodile. 

The  small  baskets  in  the  coiled  weave  sometimes  have  the  fronts 
entirely  covered  with  beads  which  are  woven  into  the  basket  in  parallel 
lines.  The  tobacco  box  shown  in  Plate  XXXV  has  been  covered  with 
cloth  and  pitch,  in  which  an  artistic  design  made  from  the  yellow 
cuticle  of  an  orchid  has  been  inlaid.  Plate  XXX Vb  shows  the  wooden 
tops  of  three  tobacco  boxes.  Nos  i  and  2  are  carved  and  inlaid  with 
beads  and  buttons  in  designs  which  "look  pretty,"  but  number  3  depicts 
a  hunting  scene  in  which  two  men  and  a  dog  are  hunting  the  alligator. 
Several  beads  are  missing  so  that  it  requires  quite  a  stretch  of  the 
imagination  to.  secure  the  impression  the  native  artist  meant  to  impart. 

The  prized  trinket  baskets  of  the  women  generally  have  the  fronts 
covered  with  cloth,  to  which  hundreds  of  colored  beads  are  sewed,  in 
elaborate  designs  (Plate  XXXVI). 

The  patterns  brought  out  in  the  weaving  are  as  beautiful  and  in- 
tricate as  they  are  confusing.  Five  typical  specimens  of  cloth  used 
in  women's  skirts  are  shown  in  Plate  XXXVII.  In  them  can  be 
found  several  apparently  different  designs  to  some  of  which  names 
were  assigned,  but  as  there  was  no  agreement  among  my  informers 
I  refrain  from  giving  them  here.  The  pattern  marked  X  in  (c)  was 
generally  identified  as  "alligator,"  yet  the  weavers  were  by  no  means 
agreed. 


September.   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      123 

The  strip  of  cloth  (Plate  XXXVIII)  was  intended  for  the  center 
breadth  in  a  woman's  skirt  and  shows  the  typical  designs  employed  in 
the  best  garments. 

The  extensive  use  of  beads  is  shown  in  Plates  XXXIX-XL.  Carry- 
ing bags,  clothing,  combs,  necklaces,  armlets,  belts  and  sheath  covers 
are  partially  covered  with  or  made  up  of  colored  beads,  always  in 
designs,  yet  very  few  of  these  patterns  have  generally  accepted  meanings 
or  names.  The  same  holds  true  of  the  designs  in  shell  disks,  which, 
on  the  finer  garments,  take  the  place  of  beads.  A  few  exceptions  to 
this  are  found  in  which  realistic  patterns  appear  in  (Plate  XXXIb  and 

Fig-  34)- 


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FIG.   34. 
REALISTIC    PATTERNS    IN    BEADS   AND    SHELL    DISKS. 


Like  the  bead  work,  the  embroidery  and  applique  found  on  many 
garments  are  added  "to  make  pretty."  Some  of  this  work  is  quite 
fine,  but  in  general  that  of  recent  years  is  either  inferior  to  that  found 
on  old  garments  or  is  borrowed  from,  or  made  by,  the  Bila-an  women. 
Some  garments,  with  designs  produced  by  oversewing  before  dyeing,  are 
seen  here,  but  they  are  recent  importations  from  the  Kulaman  or 
Tagakaolo  tribes. 


124     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Necklaces  and  leglets  are  made  of  rattan  and  are  decorated  with 
burned  lines  or  by  being  overlaid  with  platted  strips  of  orchid  and  fern 
cuticle  (Fig.  2). 

A  few  rare  specimens,  such  as  personal  ornaments  or  basket  rims, 
have  sewed  in  designs  in  which  the  sewing  has  been  done  with  fern 
cuticle  (Plate  XXXI Vb). 

Incised  patterns  appear  on  nearly  all  the  bamboo  lime  and  tobacco 
holders,  but  here  individual  fancy  plays  such  an  important  part  that  a 
hundred  specimens  might  be  examined  without  rinding  duplicate 
patterns.  Fig.  14  shows  nine  of  these  tubes  covered  with  cut-in  designs, 
yet  only  one  figure,  that  marked  X  in  b  could  be  identified.  This 
was  said  to  be  the  familiar  crocodile. 

Coming  to  the  work  in  brass  and  copper  we  encounter  an  en- 
tirely new  type  of  design.  In  some  cases  straight  inlaid  or  overlaid 
strips  and  twisted  wires  are  used  to  ornament  the  specimen;  while  in 
the  raised  and  cut-in  lines  on  the  bells  we  find  simple  patterns.  In  the 
main,  however,  the  ornamentation  on  this  class  of  material  consists 
of  complicated  scrolls  (Plate  XU),  designs  suggesting  flower  or  tree 
patterns,  or  conventionalized  figures.  One  only  needs  to  compare 
these  objects  with  similar  specimens  from  Borneo  and  the  Malayan 
Islands  of  the  South,  to  find  the  source  of  this  type  of  ornamentation1. 
In  fact  the  imitation  of  Moro  wares  is  practiced  today.  In  Plate 
XLIa  and  b  are  shown  two  betel  nut  boxes — No.  1  the  work  of  the 
Samal  Moro,  No.  2  the  imitation  of  the  inlaid  work  on  the  top  of  the 
first  specimen.  This  last  was  made  in  my  presence,  and  with  the  ex- 
pressed intention  of  duplicating  the  Moro  box.  However,  in  this  case, 
as  in  all  others,  the  Bagobo  caster  did  not  attempt  to  exactly  reproduce 
the  work  of  another,  but  simply  borrowed  a  broad  idea,  and  thus  he 
often  creates  new  forms. 

Not  once  did  the  writer  receive  a  name  for  any  pattern  or  design 
shown  in  metal  work.  A  careful  study  of  the  method  of  work,  of  the 
articles  produced,  and  of  the  folk-lore  and  religious  observances  con- 
nected with  the  work  in  brass  and  copper  brings  one  to  the  conclusion 
that  this  class  of  work  is  of  comparatively  recent  introduction  and  that 
the  instructors  in  the  art  were  the  Samal  Moro. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  designs  incised  on  combs  and 
other  objects  which  are  afterwards  filled  with  lime.  Just  here  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that,  so  far  as  is  known,  the  southern  end  of  Min- 
danao and  adjacent  small  islands,  are  the  only  parts  of  the  Philippines 
in  which  this  decoration,  so  typical  of  Melanesia,  is  to  be  found. 

1  See  Ling  Roth,  Oriental  Silver  Work. 


September,   i 9 i 3 .       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      125 

Realistic  carvings  were  seen  used  in  only  two  capacities.  The  first 
in  certain  ceremonies,  where  extremely  crude  wooden  figures  were 
offered  to  the  spirits  in  exchange  for  the  sick  person  (see  p.  105), 
and  the  second,  the  wooden  decoys  used  in  hunting  doves  (See  Plate 
XVIII). 

Summing  up  our  present  information  we  can  say:  first,  that  the 
Bagobo  makes  use  of  certain  realistic  designs  which  in  some  cases  have 
become  conventionalized  but  still  retain  their  former  significance; 
second,  that  the  greater  part  of  decoration  in  beads,  shell  disks,  em- 
broidery or  applique,  as  well  as  the  incised  designs  in  lime  boxes  and 
the  like,  have  no  meaning  to  the  people  of  the  present  day,  and  are 
added  only  to  make  the  objects  more  beautiful  in  the  eyes  of  the  owners. 
In  this  work  there  are  no  set  patterns  and  each  artist  gives  full  reign  to 
the  fancy  in  producing  these  figures.  Third,  that  the  ideas  for  the  pat- 
terns inlaid,  incised,  and  cast  in  brass  or  copper,  are  furnished  by  the 
examples  of  this  work  coming  from  the  Malays  to  the  south,  but  that 
even  in  these  the  artist  has  taken  great  liberties  in  the  execution  of  the 
design.  Fourth,  that  one  type  of  decoration,  i.  e.,  the  incised  figures 
filled  with  lime,  suggests  the  possible  influence  of  Melanesia  on  the 
artistic  ideas  of  this  people. 

MYTHOLOGY. 

During  my  stay  with  this  tribe  I  heard  parts  of  many  folk-tales,  some 
chanted,  others  told  with  gravity,  and  still  others  which  caused  the 
greatest  levity.  My  limited  knowledge  of  the  dialect  and  pressure  of 
other  work  caused  me  to  delay  the  recording  of  these  tales  until  I  should 
begin  a  systematic  study  of  the  language.  Owing  to  unforeseen  cir- 
cumstances, that  time  never  came,  and  it  is  now  possible  to  give  only 
the  slightest  idea  of  a  very  rich  body  of  tales.1 

In  the  main  these  stories  are  an  attempt  to  account  for  the  present 
order  of  things.  In  the  tale  which  we  quoted  in  part,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  paper,  we  are  told  of  an  all-powerful  being  who  created  the  earth 
and  all  that  is.  Other  spirits  and  many  animals  inhabited  the  sky 
and  earth  which  the  creator  had  made.  Of  the  latter  only  one,  the 
monkey,  is  named.  He  and  his  kind,  we  are  told,  once  inhabited  and 
owned  all  the  world,  but  were  dispossessed  by  two  human  beings, 
Toglai  and  Toglibon,  from  whom  all  the  people  of  the  world  are  de- 
scended. After  their  death  a  great  drought  caused  the  people  to  dis- 
perse and  seek  out  new  homes  in  other  parts.  They  journeyed  in 
pairs  and  because  of  the  objects  which  they  carried  with  them,  they 

1  Since  this  was  written  Miss  Benedict  has  published  an  excellent  collection 
of  Bagobo  Myths  (Journal  of  American  Folklore,  1913,  XXVI,  pp.  13-63. 


126     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

are  now  known  by  certain  names.  One  couple,  for  instance,  carried 
with  them  a  small  basket  called  bira-an,  and  for  this  reason  their  children 
are  known  as  Bira-an  (Bila-an).  From  the  time  of  the  dispersion  until 
the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  we  learn  that  certain  mythical  heroes 
performed  wonderful  feats,  in  some  cases  being  closely  identified  with 
the  spirits  themselves,  in  others  making  use  of  magic,  the  knowledge 
of  which  seems  to  have  been  common  in  those  times. 

The  two  following  tales  are  typical  of  those  commonly  heard  in  a 
Bagobo  gathering.  The  first  was  told  by  Urbano  Eli,  a  Bagobo  of 
Malilla. 

"After  the  people  were  created  a  man  named  LumabEt  was  born. 
He  could  talk  when  he  was  one  day  old  and  the  people  said  he  was  sent 
by  Manama.  He  lived  ninety  seasons  and  when  still  a  young  man  he 
had  a  hunting  dog  which  he  took  to  hunt  on  the  mountain.  The  dog 
started  up  a  white  deer  and  LumabEt  and  his  companions  followed 
until  they  had  gone  about  the  world  nine  times  when  they  finally  caught 
it.  At  the  time  they  caught  the  deer  LumabEt's  hair  was  grey  and  he 
was  an  old  man.  All  the  time  he  was  gone  he  had  only  one  banana 
and  one  camote  with  him  for  food.  When  night  came  he  planted  the 
skin  of  the  banana  and  in  the  morning  he  had  ripe  bananas  to  eat, 
and  the  camotes  came  the  same  way.  When  he  had  caught  the  deer 
LumabEt  called  the  people  to  see  him  and  he  told  them  to  kill  his 
father.  They  obeyed  him  and  then  LumabEt  took  off  his  headband 
and  waved  it  in  the  air  over  the  dead  man,  and  he  at  once  was  alive 
again.  He  did  this  eight  times  and  at  the  eighth  time  his  father  was 
small  like  a  little  boy,  for  every  time  the  people  cut  him  in  two  the  knife 
took  off  a  little  flesh.  So  all  the  people  thought  LumabEt  was  like 
a  god. 

"One  year  after  he  killed  the  deer  he  told  all  the  people  to  come  into 
his  house,  but  they  said  they  could  not,  for  the  house  was  small  and 
the  people  many.  But  LumabEt  said  there  was  plenty  of  room,  so  all 
entered  his  house  and  were  not  crowded.  The  next  morning  the 
diwata,  tigyama,  and  other  spirits  came  and  talked  with  him.  After 
that  he  told  the  people  that  all  who  believed  that  he  was  powerful  could 
go  with  him,  but  all  who  did  not  go  would  be  turned  into  animals  and 
buso.  Then  LumabEt  started  away  and  those  who  stayed  back  became 
animals  and  buso. 

"He  went  to  the  place  Binaton,  across  the  ocean,  the  place  where 
the  earth  and  sky  meet.  When  he  got  there  he  saw  that  the  sky  kept 
going  up  and  down  the  same  as  a  man  opening  and  closing  his  jaws. 
LumabEt  said  to  the  sky  'You  must  go  up,'  but  the  sky  replied  'No.' 


September,   19 13.       Wied  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.      127 

At  last  Lumab£t  promised  the  sky  that  if  he  let  the  others  go  he  might 
catch  the  last  one  who  tried  to  pass;  so  the  sky  opened  and  the  people 
went  through;  but  when  near  to  the  last  the  sky  shut  down  and  caught 
the  bolo  of  next  to  the  last  man.     The  last  one  he  caught  and  ate. 

"That  day  Lumab£t's  son  Tagalion  was  hunting  and  caught  many 
animals  which  he  hung  up.  Then  he  said  he  must  go  to  his  father's 
place;  so  he  leaned  an  arrow  against  a  baliti  tree  and  sat  on  it.  It  began 
to  grow  down  and  carried  him  down  to  his  father's  place,  but  when  he 
arrived  there  were  no  people  there.  He  saw  a  gun,  made  out  of  gold, 
and  some  white  bees  in  the  house.  The  bees  said  'You  must  not  cry; 
we  can  take  you  to  the  sky.'  So  he  rode  on  the  gun,  and  the  bees  took 
him  to  the  sky  and  he  arrived  there  in  three  days. 

"One  of  the  men  was  looking  down  on  the  land  below,  and  all  of 
the  spirits  made  fun  of  him  and  said  they  would  take  out  his  intestines 
so  that  he  would  be  like  one  of  them  and  never  die.  The  man  refused 
to  let  them,  and  he  wanted  to  go  back  home  because  he  was  afraid; 
so  Manama  said  to  let  him  go. 

"The  spirits  took  leaves  of  the  karau  grass  and  tied  to  his  legs,  and 
made  a  chain  of  the  grass  and  let  him  down  to  the  earth.  When  he 
reached  the  earth  he  was  no  longer  a  man  but  was  an  owl . ' ' 

(2)  The  second  tale,  which  was  recorded  by  P.  Juan  Doyle,  S.  ].,  is 
as  follows: 

"In  one  of  the  torrents  which  has  its  origin  at  the  foot  of  Apo,  there 
were  two  eels  which,  having  acquired  extraordinary  magnitude,  had  no 
room  in  so  little  water,  on  account  of  which  they  determined  to  separate, 
each  one  taking  a  different  direction  in  search  of  the  sea  or  the  great 
lakes.  One  arrived,  happily,  at  the  sea  by  the  Padada  river,  and  from 
it  came  eels  in  the  sea.  The  other  descending  a  torrent,  swimming  and 
confining  himself  as  well  as  he  might,  enclosed  in  these  narrow  places, 
said  to  himself  T  haven't  the  slightest  idea  of  what  the  sea  is,  but  it 
appears  to  me  that  when  I  see  before  me  an  extraordinary  clearness  on 
a  limpid  surface,  that  must  be  the  sea,  and  with  one  spring  I  will  jump 
into  it.'  So  saying,  he  arrived  at  a  point  where  the  torrent  formed 
a  cascade.  He  noticed  that  it  cut  off  the  horizon  and  to  his  view  it 
appeared  of  an  extraordinary  clearness ;  he  thought  he  could  swim  there 
without  limit,  and  at  his  pleasure,  and  that  this,  in  fine,  must  be  the  sea. 
He  darted  into  it,  but  the  unhappy  one  was  dashed  against  the  rocks, 
and  too  fatigued  to  swim  through  the  rough  waters,  he  lost  his  life. 
His  body  lay  there  inert  and  formed  undulations  which  are  now  the 
folds  which  the  earth  forms  to  the  left  of  Alt.  Apo." 


128     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

OTHER   BRANCHES   OF   THE  TRIBE. 

To  the  south  and  southwest  of  Mt.  Apo,  and  west  of  Digos,  are 
seven  settlements,  the  inhabitants  of  which  are  known  as  Obo  or 
Tigdapaya.  On  the  south  they  meet  the  Bila-an,  and,  like  this  latter 
people,  extend  over  the  watershed  into  the  valley  of  the  Cotabato  river. 
On  the  northwest  they  come  in  contact  with  the  Ata.  They  have  inter- 
married with  both  of  these  tribes,  have  adopted  many  of  their  customs, 
and  in  some  cases  their  manner  of  dress.  However,  they  consider 
themselves,  and  are  considered  by  the  Bagobo,  as  a  part  of  that  tribe, 
and  recognize  Tongkaling  as  their  chief.  Bagobo  customs  and  blood 
predominate,  although  intermarriage  with  the  Negrito  was  evident 
in  nearly  every  individual  of  this  division  seen  by  the  writer. 

Immediately  west  of  Daliao  are  three  villages  whose  people  are 
known  as  Eto  or  Ata.  Aside  from  a  slightly  greater  percentage  of  in- 
dividuals showing  negroid  features,  these  people  do  not  differ  in  any 
respect  from  the  Bagobo.  It  does  not  seem  that  they  should  be  classed 
with  the  people  later  referred  to  as  Ata.  To  the  north,  their  lands 
join  the  territory  held  by  the  Guianga. 

The  habitat  of  the  division  called  Guianga  begins  a  few  miles  back 
of  the  Gulf  and  extends  west  to  the  watershed.  An  east  and  west  line 
drawn  through  the  village  of  Taloma  marks  their  southern  boundary, 
while  to  the  north  they  approach  the  Lasan  river.  They  are  found  in 
a  number  of  scattered  settlements  which  owe  allegiance  and  are  subject 
to  five  petty  data.  Tongkaling  is  not  recognized  as  having  any  au- 
thority in  the  district,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  remembrance  of  a  time 
when  any  of  the  Bagobo  rulers  held  authority  over  the  Guianga.  Phys- 
ically and  culturally  they  do  not  seem  to  be  far  removed  from  the 
Bagobo,  while  their  language  is  so  closely  related  that  individuals  of 
the  two  divisions,  meeting  for  the  first  time  can  carry  on  a  conversation. 
There  is,  however,  considerable  variation  between  the  dialects,  both  in 
intonation  and  vocabulary. 

Further  study  may  result  in  raising  this  branch  to  the  dignity  of  a 
tribe,  but  the  information  at  hand  does  not  justify  us  in  considering  them 
other  than  a  dialect  group  of  the  Bagobo. 


II.    BILA-AN. 

Synonyms. 

(a)  Tagalagad— "dwellers  in  the  back  country"  is  the  name 
generally  applied  to  this  tribe  by  the  coast  natives. 

(b)  Tagkogon— -"dwellers  in  the  cogon"  -The  group  living  on  the 
grass  plains  west  of  Malalag. 

(c)  Buluan,  Bueuanes — The  members  of  this  tribe  dwelling  near 
to  Lake  Buluan.  This  group  is  sometimes  identified  with  the  Tagabtli 
or  Tagabuhi  who  also  reside  in  that  region. 

(d)  Bira-an,  Bara-an — Synonym  for  Bila-an,  often  used  by  the 
neighboring  Bagobo. 

(e)  VlEANES,  BlLANES. 

(f)  Balud  or  Tumanao — name  sometimes  applied  by  early  writers 
to  the  Bila-an  who  live  on  the  Sarangani  Islands. 


*&*• 


This  tribe  is  found  in  the  mountains  on  the  west  side  of  Davao  Gulf 
beginning  at  an  east  and  west  line  drawn  through  Bulatakay  and  ex- 
tending south  to  Sarangani  Point,  and  they  also  appear  in  small  numbers 
in  the  Sarangani  Islands  which  lie  just  south  of  the  mainland.  At 
Bulatakay  they  are  a  day's  march  back  from  the  coast  and  to  reach 
them  it  is  necessary  to  pass  for  several  hours  through  a  rolling  belt  of 
forest  land,  then  as  the  mountains  are  approached,  gently  sloping 
cogon  plains  about  ten  miles  in  width  are  crossed.  West  of  Malalag 
they  are  still  far  from  the  sea  with  a  belt  of  hill  Tagakaolo  between 
them  and  the  coast  people.  In  this  region  they  have  spread  out  in 
considerable  numbers  on  to  the  grass  plains,  and  for  this  reason  are 
locally  known  as  Tagkogon  "dwellers  in  the  cogon."  On  the  gulf 
side  of  the  divide,  south  of  Malalag,  they  are  found  in  small  groups  far 
back  in  the  mountains,  while  between  them  and  the  sea  are  Tagakaolo, 
Kulaman  and  Moro.  Along  the  watershed  between  the  districts  of 
Davao  and  Cotabato  they  possess  all  the  territory  and  even  extend  in 
some  numbers  into  the  lowlands  toward  Lake  Buluan.  They  are 
distinctly  a  mountain  people,  having  never  reached  the  sea,  except  near 
Sarangani  Point,  until  after  the  advent  of  the  American.  Since  then 
a  few  hundred  have  been  induced  to  move  to  the  coast  plantations,  and 
the  town  of  Labau  has  been  established  on  the  Padada  river  about  six 
miles  back  of  the  coast.  According  to  Mr.  H.  S.  Wilson,  tribal  ward 
headman  for  the  Bila-an,  this  tribe  numbers  about  ten  thousand  persons, 
of  which  number  fifteen  hundred  reside  on  the  Sarangani  Islands. 

129 


130     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

The  material  here  presented  was  gathered  from  the  people  of  Labau, 
the  Malalag  cogon,  and  those  living  near  the  headwaters  of  the  Ma-al 
and  Padada  rivers. 

Formerly  a  neutral,  uninhabited  belt  extended  between  them  and  the 
coast  people,  and  at  stated  intervals  they  went  to  recognized  trading 
points  in  this  territory  to  exchange  their  agricultural  and  forest  products 
for  salt,  fish,  and  other  articles  of  barter.  Beyond  this  trading  and  an 
occasional  fight,  they  had  few  dealings  with  the  coast  people  and  seem 
never  to  have  encountered  the  Spaniard. 

They  are  almost  unknown  to  history,  for  aside  from  two  or  three 
short  accounts,1  based  mostly  on  hearsay,  we  find  no  mention  of  them. 
The  coast  natives  who  knew  them  by  name  only  had  many  stories  con- 
cerning their  life  and  prowess,  and  one  still  hears  that  "the  Bila-an  are 
of  small  stature  but  agile  like  monkeys.  One  may  wander  for  days 
through  their  territory  without  encountering  a  person  and  then  when 
in  a  bad  place  suddenly  see  the  little  people  in  hundreds  swarming  down 
the  sides  of  impassable  cliffs.  They  are  always  in  such  numbers  that, 
while  they  use  only  the  bow  and  arrow,  they  are  almost  sure  to  ex- 
terminate the  intruders."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Bila-an  compare 
in  stature  with  the  coast  natives  and  differ  little  from  them  in  color, 
although  a  few  individuals  of  decidedly  lighter  cast  are  met  with. 

Observations  were  made  on  thirty-eight  men,  but  no  women  could 
be  induced  to  submit  to  being  measured.  The  maximum  height  of  the 
men  was  found  to  be  163.6  cm.;  minimum  142.3  cm.;  with  an  average 
of  154.7  cm.  The  cephalic  indices  showed  87.8  cm.  as  the  maximum; 
74  cm.  the  minimum;  and  80.4  cm.  the  average.  The  greatest  length- 
height  index  was  78.6  cm.;  the  minimum  62.4  cm.  and  the  average 
69.7  cm.  From  these  measurements  it  appears  that  the  Bila-an  are 
somewhat  shorter  than  the  Bagobo ;  are  more  short  headed,  the  majority 
being  brachycephalic;  while  the  height  from  tragus  to  vertex  is  about  the 
same  in  both  groups,  and  both  have  the  crown  and  back  of  the  head 
strongly  arched.  The  face2  is  absolutely  shorter  and  relatively  broader 
than  in  the  Bagobo.  The  forehead  is  usually  high  and  full,  but  in 
about  one-third  of  the  individuals  measured  it  was  moderately  retreat- 
ing, while  in  the  same  proportion  the  supra-orbital  ridges  were  quite 
strongly  marked.  In  other  features,  as  well  as  in  hair  form,  eyes, 
body  form  and  color,  this  people  conform  to  the  description  given  of  the 
Bagobo  (Plates  XLJI-XLVIII). 

1  Blair  and  Robertson  The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  XLIII,  pp.  239,  282-283. 
Census  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  1905. 

2  Measured  from  the  chin  to  the  hair  of  the  forehead. 


vSeptember,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao   District — Cole.     131 


The  greater  part  of  this  tribe  live  far  back  in  the  rugged  mountains 
which  form  the  watershed  between  the  Cotabato  valley  and  the  Gulf  of 
Davao.  Travel  through  that  district  is  entirely  on  foot,  and  is  prin- 
cipally along  the  water  courses,  so  that  in  going  from  place  to  place  a 
person  is  continually  crossing  the  stream.  From  time  to  time  dim  trails, 
scarcely  worthy  of  that  name,  lead  from  the  river's  bank  almost  per- 
pendicularly up  the  mountain-side  or  to  the  summits  of  high  hills,  where 
will  be  found  one  or  two  frail  houses  (Plate  XLIX).  The  dwellings 
are  never  in  large  groups,  and  more  frequently  each  house  is  by  itself. 
From  one  habitation  it  is  possible  to  look  across  the  hills  and  see  many 
others  at  no  great  distance,  to  reach  which  would  necessitate  a  descent 
of  several  hundred  feet  and  an  equal  climb  up  to  each. 

There  is  considerable  variation  in  the  architecture  of  the  dwellings 
but  the  following  description  of  the  home  of  Datu  Dialum,  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  Ma-al  river,  will  give  the  general  plan  of  all. 

Small  hardwood  poles  about  twenty  feet  in  length  formed  the  up- 
rights to  which  the  side  and  crossbeams  were  lashed,  while  in  the  center 
of  each  end  beam  smaller  sticks  were  tied  to  form  the  king  posts.  From 
the  ridge  pole  small  timbers  extended  to  the  side  beams,  thus  forming 
the  framework  on  which  the  final  topping  of  flattened  bamboo  was  laid. 
This  roof  was  of  one  pitch  and  at  the  sides  overhung  the  walls  by  about 
a  foot.  Twelve  feet  above  the  ground  other  poles  were  lashed  to  the 
uprights  and  on  these  rested  the  cross  timbers  of  the  floor,  which  in 
turn  were  covered  with  broad  strips  of  bark.  The  side  walls  extended 
between  the  floor  and  the  beams,  but  in  no  place  did  they  extend  up  to 
the  roof.     Entrance  to  the  dwelling  was  gained  by  a  notched  log. 

Once  inside  the  house  the  arrangement 
impressed  one  as  being  similar  to  those  of 
the  Eagobo.  Justabove  the  door,  and  again 
in  the  far  end  of  the  room,  poles  were  laid 
across  the  beams  to  form  the  floors  of  lofts 
which,  in  this  case,  were  used  as  sleeping 
rooms. 

In  front  of  the  door,  at  the  opposite  side 
of  the  room,  was  a  bed  of  ashes  in  which' 
three  stones  were  sunk  to  form  the  stove, 
and  above  this  was  suspended  a  rack  which 
contained  cooking  pots,  drying  wood,  ears  of 
corn,  and  the  like.  Close  to  the  stove  were 
a  few  earthen  pots  (Fig.  35)  and  many  short 
bamboo  tubes  filled  with  water,  while  against. 


FIG.    35. 
Cooking   Pot  and  Cover. 


132     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Axth.,  Vol.  XII. 

the  wall  hung  rattan  frames  filled  with  half  cocoannt-shell  dishes, 
spoons,  and  two  or  three  old  Chinese  plates.  Near  the  center  of  the 
room  stood  a  rice  mortar  made  by  hollowing  out  a  section  of  log.  At 
the  far  end  of  the  room  was  a  raised  sleeping  platform,  such  as  is  found 
in  all  Bagobo  houses,  and  extending  from  this  to  the  center  and  on 
each  side  of  the  room  were  narrow  stalls  where  the  women  were  engaged 
in  weaving,  and  in  which  they  slept  and  kept  their  most  valued  pos- 
sessions. 

In  the  description  of  the  house  we  have  mentioned  most  of  the 
furnishings.  In  addition  it  is  customary  to  find  a  few  well  made  mats 
of  pandanus  or  buri  palm  leaf.  These  are  spiead  on  the  floor  when 
the  owners  wish  to  retire  and  for  the  rest  of  the  time  are  rolled  up  and 
laid  along  the  wTalls.  Carved  forked  sticks  which  serve  as  torch-holders 
stand  in  various  parts  of  the  room,  while  somewhere  near  the  stove 
is  a  miscellany  of  wooden  meat  blocks,  bamboo  fans  and  fly  swatters, 
gourds  filled  with  millet,  salt,  or  mashed  peppers,  and  shovel-shaped 
or  round  rice  winnowers,  which  also  serve  as  common  eating  dishes 
for  the  family  and  guests.  Well  made  baskets  stand  by  the  walls  or 
hang  from  pegs  along  with  articles  of  clothing,  while  spears,  shields, 
and  other  weapons  are  fastened  to  side  walls  or  roof. 

Small  clearings  are  found  at  no  great  distance  from  these  dwellings 
and  in  them  the  people  raise  rice,  corn,  millet,  camotes,  sugar-cane,  and 
a  few  banana  and  hemp  plants  (Plate  L,).  As  is  the  case  with  all  the 
wild  tribes  in  this  district,  the  Bila-an  make  new  clearings  as  soon  as 
the  cogon  grass  begins  to  invade  their  fields,  and  this  in  time  causes 
them  to  move  their  homes  from  one  locality  to  another. 

The  domestic  animals  consist  of  a  few  chickens,  dogs,  an  occasional 
cat  and  pig,  and  in  the  lower  cogon  lands,  a  few  families  possess  horses. 
Some  fish  are  secured  from  the  river,  while  deer,  wild  pig,  jungle  fowl, 
and  other  game  are  taken  with  traps  or  secured  by  hunting. 

There  seems  never  to  have  been  a  time  when  this  tribe  was  organized 
under  a  single  leader  as  was  the  case  with  the  Bagobo.  Each  district 
is  so  isolated  from  the  others  and  the  population  so  scattering  that  any 
such  development  has  been  barred,  and  hence  the  people  of  each  river 
valley  or  highland  plain  have  their  local  ruler.  The  power  of  this 
ruler  is  real  only  so  far  as  his  personal  influence  can  make  it  so.  He 
receives  no  pay  for  his  services,  but  his  position  makes  it  possible  for 
him  to  secure  the  help  of  his  fellows  wrhen  he  is  in  need  of  workers  or 
warriors.  In  return  he  conducts  negotiations  with  other  groups  and 
administers  justice  in  accordance  writh  the  customs  handed  down  from 
bygone  ages.     Upon  his  death  he  is  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  unless 


September,   1913-        Wild  Tribes  oe  Davao  District — Cole.      133 

the  old  men  of  the  group  should  consider  him  incompetent,  in  which 
case  they  will  determine  upon  the  successor. 

Warriors  who  have  killed  one  or  more  persons1  are  known  as  lEbE 
(Plate  XLII),  and  are  permitted  to  wear  plain  red  suits  decorated 
with  embroidery.  Their  duties  and  privileges  are  much  the  same  as 
those  of  the  Bagobo  magam. 

A  class  known  as  almo-os  is  composed  mostly  of  middle-aged  women 
who  are  in  close  communication  with  the  spirits  and  who,  like  the 
mabalian  of  the  Bagobo,  conduct  ceremonies  to  aid  in  the  cure  of  the 
sick,  to  secure  good  crops,  or  to  thank  the  higher  beings  for  their  help 
and  watchfulness.  Unlike  the  mabalian,  these  women  are  seldom 
mid  wives,  such  duties  being  performed  by  a  group  called  f audita.2 
Finally,  we  learn  that  slaves  are  sometimes  taken  from  neighboring 
tribes  or  even  from  unfriendly  settlements  of  their  own  people,  to 
which  class  may  be  added  offenders  against  the  laws  of  the  group. 
Slavery,  however,  is  not  very  prevalent,  for  men  are  not  greatly  desired 
unless  needed  for  a  sacrifice,  while  young  girls  and  women  soon  become 
regular  members  of  their  master's  family. 

As  has  just  been  indicated  a  man  may  have  as  many  wives  as  he  can 
secure  by  purchase  or  capture,  provided  they  are  not  blood  relations, 
but  a  new  wife  cannot  be  added  to  the  family  until  the  one  preceding 
has  borne  a  child. 

Difficulties  are  generally  settled  between  the  parties  concerned,  but 
if  they  carry  their  case  to  the  ruler  they  must  abide  by  his  decision.  A 
thief  is  usually  compelled  to  return  the  stolen  property,  but  in  at  least 
one  case  the  culprit  was  sacrificed.3 

Murder  can  be  avenged  by  a  murder  so  long  as  the  trouble  remains 
a  family  affair,  but  if  the  case  goes  to  the  ruler  it  is  probable  that  he  will 
levy  a  fine  on  the  culprit.  Unfaithfulness  in  a  wife  can  be  punished 
by  the  death  of  one  or  both  offenders  if  the  husband  exacts  the  punish- 
ment, otherwise  a  fine  is  imposed. 

The  type  of  clothing  worn  by  this  tribe  is  practically  identical  with 
that  of  the  Bagobo,  while  the  cloth  from  which  it  is  made  is  procured  by 
a  like  process.  However,  in  the  ornamentation  of  these  garments  there 
is  wide  variation.  Beads  are  not  used  to  any  great  extent,  but  in  their 
place  are  intricate  embroidered  designs  which  excel,  both  in  beauty  and 
technique  the  work  of  any  other  wild  tribe  in  the  Islands,  while  on  the 
more  elaborate  costumes  hundreds  of  shell  disks  are  used  in  artistic 
designs.     The  woman's  skirt  is  of  hemp  and  is  made  in  exactly  the  same 

1  Said  to  be  four  among  the  Tagkogon. 

2  Probably  a  corruption  of  the  Mora  term  pandi'a. 

3  See  p.   145. 


134    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

manner  as  those  of  the  Bagobo,  but  the  general  pattern  is  different,  and 
it  seldom  contains  the  broad  decorative  center  panel  (Plate  LX). 

Some  of  the  men  cut  their  hair  so  that  it  falls  in  bangs  along  the 
center  line  of  the  forehead  and  behind  reaches  to  the  nape  of  the  neck, 
but  the  majority  of  them,  and  all  the  women,  allow  the  back  hair  to 
grow  long  and  tie  it  in  a  knot  at  the  back  of  the  head.  Ordinarily  the 
men  dispense  with  head  covering,  or  at  most  twist  a  bit  of  cloth  into  a 
turban,  but  for  special  occasions  they  wear  palm  leaf  hats  covered  with 
many  parallel  bands  of  rattan  and  crowned  with  notched  chicken 
feathers  (Plate  LI).     Rarely  is  a  woman  seen  with  any  kind  of  head 


FIG.    36. 

Women's  Combs. 

protection  or  hair  ornament  other  than  a  small  comb  which  is  peculiar 
to  this  tribe  (Fig.  36).  This  comb  is  made  of  bamboo  or  rattan  splints 
drawn  together  at  the  center  but  flaring  at  top  and  bottom  until  it 
forms  an  ornament  in  the  shape  of  an  hour  glass.  The  ear  plugs  worn 
by  the  men  are  of  wood  and  are  undecorated,  but  those  of  the  women 
have  the  fronts  overlaid  with  incised  brass  plates  (Fig.  37).  In  other 
respects  the  dress  of  the  women  differs  little  from  that  of  the  Bagobo. 
They  have  the  same  necklaces,  arm  and  finger  rings,  leglets,  and  anklets, 
although  in  less  quantity.  They  also  carry  trinket  baskets,  but  these 
are  larger  than  those  used  by  the  women  of  the  other  tribe  and  are 
lacking  in  bead  and  bell  pendants.  However,  they  are  tastily  decorated 
with  designs  in  colored  bamboo  or  fern  cuticle.  We  have  already  noted 
that  the  use  of  plain  red  garments  is  limited  to  warriors,  but  cloth  of 
that  hue  which  contains  narrow  black  stripes  may  be  used  by  all.  Quite 
a  number  of  garments  are  seen  in  which  white  patterns  appear  in  a  red 


September,  1913.        Wild  Tribes  op  Davao  District— Coee.     135 

background  (Plate  LYIIIc).  In  this  tribe  the  use  of  such  suits  is  not 
restricted,  but  with  the  neighboring  Kulaman  they  can  be  worn  by 
warriors1  only. 

Before  we  proceed  further  with  the  description  of  the  life  of  the 
people,  it  will  be  well  for  us  to  inquire  into  their  religious  beliefs,  for, 
as  is  the  case  with  all  their  neighbors,  their  faith  in  unseen  beings 
influences  their  daily  life  to  a  very  great  extent.  The  two  following 
tales  deal  with  the  Bila-an  genesis. 

"In  the  beginning  was  Al£lu — a  being  of  such  great  size  as  to  be 


FIG.  37. 

A.  women's  ear  Plugs. 

B.  M  en's  Ear  plugs. 

beyond  comparison  with  any  known  thing;  who  was  white,  having  gold 
teeth,  and  who  sat  upon  the  clouds,  and  occupied  all  space  above. 

"He  was  very  cleanly  and  was  constantly  rubbing  himself  with  his 
hands  in  order  that  he  might  keep  his  skin  quite  white.  The  scurf  or 
dead  skin  which  he  thus  removed,  he  placed  to  one  side  where  it  ac- 
cumulated at  last  to  such  a  heap  that  it  annoyed  him.  To  be  rid  of  this 
annoyance  he  made  the  earth,  and  being  pleased  with  his  work,  he  de- 
cided to  make  two  beings  like  himself  only  much  smaller  in  size.  This 
he  did  from  remnants  of  the  material  from  which  he  made  the  earth. 

1  See  p.  155  for  a  description  of  this  process. 


136     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

"Now,  while  MElu  was  making  the  first  two  men,  and  when  he  had 
the  first  one  finished,  all  excepting  the  nose;  and  the  second  one  finished 
all  excepting  the  nose  and  one  other  part,  Tau  Tana  (Funtana)  or  Tau 
Dalom  Tana  appeared  and  demanded  of  MElu  that  he  be  allowed  to 
make  the  nose.  Then  began  a  great  argument  in  which  Tau  Dalom 
Tana  gained  his  point  and  did  make  the  noses  and  placed  them  on  the 
faces  of  the  first  two  people  upside  down.  So  great  had  been  the 
argument  over  this  making  and  placing  of  noses  that  MElu  forgot  to 
finish  that  part  of  the  second  person  and  went  away  to  his  place  above 
the  clouds,  and  Tau  Dalom  Tana  went  away  to  his  place  below  the 
earth.  Then  came  a  great  rain  and  the  two  people  on  the  earth  were 
about  to  perish  on  account  of  the  water  which  ran  off  their  heads  into 
their  noses.  MElu  seeing  what  was  happening  came  to  them  and 
changed  their  noses,  and  then  told  them  that  they  should  save  all  the 
hair  which  came  from  their  heads,  and  all  the  scurf  which  came  from  their 
bodies  to  the  end  that  when  he  came  again  he  might  make  more  people. 
As  time  passed  there  came  to  be  a  great  many  people,  and  they  lived 
in  a  village  having  plenty  to  eat  and  no  labor  but  the  gathering  of  such 
fruits  as  they  desired. 

"One  day  when  the  rest  of  the  people  were  about  the  village  and  the 
near  country,  a  man  and  woman  who  had  been  left  behind  fell  to  gazing, 
one  upon  the  person  of  the  other,  and  after  a  little  while  they  went 
away  apart  from  the  rest  and  were  gone  many  days,  and  when  they 
returned  the  woman  carried  a  child  in  her  arms,  and  the  people  wondered 
and  were  afraid.  When  MElu.  came  again  soon,  knowing  what  had 
taken  place,  he  was  very  angry  and  he  went  away  abandoning  them, 
and  a  great  drought  came,  when  for  two  seasons  no  rain  fell  and  every- 
thing withered  up  and  died.  At  last  the  people  went  away,  two  by 
two,  one  man  and  one  woman  together,  and  MElu  never  again  came 
to  visit  his  people  on  earth."1 

The  writer  did  not  hear  the  foregoing  tale,  but  the  following,  with 
more  or  less  variation,  was  told  to  him  by  several  Bila-an: 

"In  the  beginning  four  beings,  MElu  and  Fiuweigh-males,  and  Dwata 
and  Sa weigh  (or  sEwE  or  sE  weigh) -females,  lived  on  a  small  earth 
or  island  as  large  as  a  hat  and  called  salnaoil.  There  were  no  trees  or 
grass  on  this  island,  but  they  had  one  bird  called  Baswit.  They  sent 
this  bird  across  the  waters  to  secure  some  earth,  the  fruit  of  the  rattan 
and  of  trees.  When  it  returned  MElu  took  the  earth  and  beat  it  the 
same  as  a  woman  beats  pots  until  he  had  made  the  land,  then  he  planted 
the  seeds  in  it  and  they  grew.     When  he  had  watched  it  for  a  time 

1  Recorded  by  Mr.  H.  S.  Wilson. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     137 

MElu  said:  'Of  what  use  is  land  without  people';  so  the  others 
said.  'Let  us  make  wax  into  people.'  They  did  so,  but  when  they  put 
the  wax  near  to  the  fire  it  melted,  so  they  saw  they  could  not  make 
man  that  way.  Next  it  was  decided  that  they  should  use  dirt,  and 
M£lii  and  Fiuweigh  began  to  make  man.  All  went  well  until  they 
were  ready  to  make  the  nose.  Fiuweigh  who  was  making  this  part 
put  the  nose  on  upside  down  and  when  MElu  told  him  that  the  people 
would  drown  if  he  left  it  that  way  he  became  very  angry  and  refused 
to  change  it.  When  he  turned  his  back,  MElu  seized  the  nose  quickly 
and  turned  it  as  it  now  is,  and  you  can  see  where,  in  his  haste,  he  pressed 
his  fingers  (at  the  root). 

"The  people  they  made  were  Adnato  and  Andawi,  male  and  female. 
These  two  had  children,  Tap!  (or  Mastafi)  and  Lakarol.  (Informants 
disagreed  here,  part  insisting  that  MEsa,  Lakbang,  and  Mangarang 
were  part  of  the  first  people  made.)  Their  descendants  were  Sinudal  9  , 
Moay  6  /  Limbay  9  ,  Madinda  9  ,  Sinnamoway  6  ,  Kamansa  6  ,  Gilay  9  , 
Gomayau  6  ,  Salau  6  ,  Slayen  9  ,   BaEn  9  ,  Kanfal  9  ,  Latara  6  ." 

The  last  was  the  father  of  Alimama,  the  chief  informant  of  this  tale. 
Inok,  dato  of  Labau,  is  also  of  this  line,  tracing  his  descent  from  Lak- 
bang. 

It  is  said  that  MElu  and  Saweigh  now  live  below,  Dwata  and  Fiu- 
weigh in  the  sky. 

A  variation  of  this  story  credits  MElu  and  Dwata  with  being  the 
creators  of  Fiuweigh  and  S£ weigh.  They  were  the  ancestors  of  men, 
for  they  took  earth  and  made  it  into  the  form  of  people  and  then  whipped 
it  until  it  moved.  The  first  people  they  made  were  Otis  6  and  Lak- 
bang 9  •  Two  of  their  children  were  Mastaf  1 6  and  Lakarol  (or 
Landol)  9  •  From  these  two  eame  all  the  Bila-an.  "These  two  lived 
in  a  small  distant  place  and  their  one  animal  was  Baswit — -a  bird. 
They  sent  him  on  a  long  journey  and  when  he  returned  he  brought  a 
piece  of  earth  and  the  fruit  of  a  panda g  tree.  Lakarol  planted  the 
fruit  in  the  piece  of  earth  and  when  it  grew  the  leaves  fell  down  and 
finally  made  the  earth." 

From  these  tales  and  later  questioning  we  learn  the  MElu,  or 
MElE,  is  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  natural  spirits  and  that  his  help 
is  sought  in  times  of  calamity  and  at  very  important  occasions. 

Duwata  (Duata,  Dwata,  Adwata,  Diwata)  is  generally  considered  to 
be  the  wife  of  MElu  and  of  equal  strength  with  him.  She  is  sometimes 
identified  with  a  female  spirit  called  Kalalokan. 

1  6   male,   9   female. 


138     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Fiuweigh  and  SEweigh  are  now  powerful  spirits,  but  there  is  some 
dispute  as  to  whether  they  have  always  been  so,  or  once  were  human. 

Lamot  ta  Mangayo,  also  called  Mandalangan,  is  the  patron  spirit  of 
the  warriors  and  is  in  all  respects  almost  identical  with  Mandarangan 
of  the  Bagobo. 

The  bitsau  are  a  class  of  spirits,  often  ill-disposed  toward  men,  who 
live  in  various  parts  of  the  mountains.  Bakay,  one  of  the  busau,  is  said 
to  be  the  owner  of  the  deer  and  pig  and  is  held  in  considerable  esteem  by 
the  people  of  the  Padada  region,  but  he  is  not  recognized  by  the  Tag- 
kogon  branch  of  the  tribe.  Another  spirit,  Bawi,  who  owns  the  rice, 
is  in  great  favor  with  the  Padada  people,  but  is  unknown  to  the  latter 
group.  Flau  is  the  spirit  of  an  unborn  child  whose  mother  died  in 
pregnancy.  Its  cry  is  often  heard  at  night,  and  at  times  it  attacks  and 
injures  people. 

These  natural  spirits  are  very  powerful,  and  since  they  sometimes 
interest  themselves  in  the  doings  of  mortals  it  behooves  all  to  keep  their 
good  will.  Below  them  is  another  class  of  spirits,  less  powerful,  but  far 
more  concerned  in  the  affairs  of  men,  and  for  this  reason  more  to  be 
feared  should  they  become  displeased.  This  class  is  made  up  of  the 
spirits  of  the  dead.  A  man's  spirit,  almogol,  does  not  live  in  his  body, 
but  always  accompanies  him  during  life.  If  at  any  time  it  wanders 
the  man  becomes  ill,  and  if  it  fails  to  return  its  owner  dies.  After 
separating  from  the  body  the  almogol  goes  to  Kilot,  a  good  place  below 
the  earth  where  there  is  no  work  or  punishment.  There  it  spends  most 
of  its  time,  but  upon  occasion  returns  to  its  former  haunts  where  it  aids 
or  injures  the  living. 

The  almo-os,  already  mentioned,1  have  considerable  influence  with  all 
the  spirits,  but  they  are  particularly  close  to  the  almogol.  When  a 
person  is  ill  he  is  placed  in  a  little  house  known  as  lawig  (Plate  LJI), 
beside  which  a  fire  is  kindled.  Nearby  are  two  decorated  bamboo 
sticks,  behind  which  the  spirit  of  the  sick  man  stands  while  he  watches 
the  proceeding.  The  almo-os  takes  a  chicken  in  his  hands  and,  while 
five  or  six  assistants  dance,  he  chants,  appealing  to  the  spirit  to  see  the 
good  things  that  are  being  prepared,  and  to  be  pleased  to  return  to 
the  sick  man.  Occasionally,  the  music  stops  and  one  of  the  dancers 
cries  ''almogol,  here  is  food  for  you;  you  must  not  go  away."  After  a 
time  the  fowl  is  killed,  is  cooked  over  the  fire,  and  is  fed  to  the  invalid, 
while  the  "doctor"  continues  his  song  of  entreaty.  If  the  call  pleases 
the  spirit  it  will  pass  between  the  bamboo  sticks  and  go  to  the  sick 
person  in  the  lawig,  but  if  it  is  not  convinced  that  it  should  remain  it 

1  See  page  133. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.     139 

departs,  and  the  patient  dies.     The  sick  person  is  kept  in  the  spirit 
house  for  a  day  and  is  then  returned  to  his  home. 

Little  structures  known  as  bolofi  are  erected  for  other  spirits  who 
may  be  trying  to  injure  the  almogol  or  attempting  to  persuade  it  to  leave 
its  owner. 

Certain  ceremonies  and  offerings  occur  after  a  death,  at  the  birth 
of  a  child,  at  planting  and  harvest  times,  and  when  the  warriors  are 
about  to  start  on  a  raid ;  all  of  which  will  be  spoken  of  in  a  later  para- 
graph. When  approaching  a  place  known  to  be  owned  by  certain 
spirits,  it  is  thought  wise  to  make  a  small  offering.  On  the  trail  to 
Ma-al  is  a  large  rock  which  marks  the  divide  between  the  mountains' 
and  the  open  cogon  lands.  As  the  writer's  party  approached  this 
stone  one  of  the  men  removed  some  of  his  leg  bands  and  placed  them 
beside  the  rock,  at  the  same  time  praying  the  busau  to  "take  the  present 
and  do  not  let  any  of  our  party  fall  sick  or  be  injured  on  the  journey." 
It  is  also  customary  for  a  man  who  wishes  to  buy  anything  or  to  make 
a  trade,  first  to  make  an  offering  of  betel-nut  to  the  spirit  of  some  rich 
man,  and  to  ask  his  help  in  the  venture. 

Some  new  clearings  are  cut  in  the  jungle  each  year,  after  the  con- 
stellation Balatik  has  risen  out  of  the  sea.  The  spirits  place  this  sign 
in  the  heavens  to  notify  all  that  the  land  should  be  cleared,  but  it  does 
not  call  for  a  sacrifice  as  in  the  case  of  the  people  we  have  previously 
described.  At  that  time  the  men  cut  the  trees  and  underbrush,  and 
after  allowing  them  to  dry,  fire  them.  They  also  make  the  holes  into 
which  the  women  drop  seed  rice. 

When  the  land  is  ready  for  planting,  a  little  house  called  botabwE  is 
built  in  the  center  of  the  field,  and  beside  it  is  placed  a  platform  or 
table,  sina-al,  on  which  is  an  offering  of  food.  Early  in  the  morning, 
while  the  others  sleep,  the  owner  and  his  wife  carry  the  seed  rice  to  the 
field  and  place  it  on  the  botabwE.  After  a  time  they  eat  some  of  the 
food  which  has  previously  been  offered  and  then  begin  to  plant,  be- 
ginning close  to  the  spirit  house.  Soon  they  are  joined  by  other  workers 
who  aid  them  in  the  planting.  These  assistants  do  not  receive  payment 
for  their  services  other  than  food  while  working  and  like  help  when  in 
need.  At  this  time  a  bamboo  pole,  with  one  end  split  and  spread  open 
like  a  cup,1  is  placed  in  front  of  the  elevated  platform  of  the  family 
dwelling  and  the  guardian  spirit  of  the  fields  is  promised  that  after  the 
harvest  he  will  receive  the  new  seed  rice.  While  the  rice  is  growing 
the  men  attend  to  the  fences  and  the  women  keep  down  weeds  or 

1  This  pole  which  is  here  known  as  sabak  is  the  same  as  the  tambara  of  the  Bagobo. 
See  p.  66  and  fig.  12. 


140    Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

frighten  birds  and  other  intruders  away.  When  the  crops  have  matured 
all  the  people  of  a  neighborhood  will  meet  at  the  home  of  the  chief, 
and  there  celebrate  a  ceremony  known  as  Pandoman.  Two  bundles  of 
rice  are  laid  on  a  mat  in  the  center  of  the  room,  and  beside  them  a  spear 
is  thrust  into  the  floor.  These  are  offerings  to  the  great  spirits  M£lu 
and  Dwata  who  are  besought  to  give  health  to  the  workers  while  they 
are  gathering  crops.  As  soon  as  this  offering  is  made,  the  men  begin 
to  build  the  rice  granaries;  meanwhile  the  women  silently  guard  the 
mat  and  gifts,  for  until  the  new  storehouses  are  completed  there  must 
be  no  dancing  or  merry-making.  When  all  is  ready  for  the  harvest,  the 
•wife  of  the  owner  goes  alone  to  the  field,  and  having  cut  a  few  heads  of 
grain,  she  carries  them  back  to  the  house.  One  portion  is  placed  in  the 
sabak  another  on  a  little  platform,  gramso,  near  to  the  house,  as  an 
offering  to  M£lu  and  Dwata;  and  the  balance  is  cooked  and  eaten  by 
the  family.  The  following  morning  all  the  women  go  to  the  fields  to 
gather  the  harvest.  When  the  last  bundle  has  been  carried  to  the 
house  a  celebration  begins,  agongs  and  EdEl1  furnish  the  music  for  the 
dancers,  and  for  a  day  and  a  night  all  feast  and  make  merry;  then  the 
workers  return  to  their  homes  carrying  small  gifts  of  cooked  food  or 
new  rice. 

Aside  from  clearing  the  land  and  helping  somewhat  with  the  rice 
crops,  the  men  seldom  concern  themselves  with  work  in  the  fields  but 
leave  the  cultivation  of  corn,  sweet  potatoes,  tobacco,  and  the  like  to 
the  women. 

A  large  part  of  the  food  of  the  tribe  is  furnished  by  the  fruits  and 
herbs  of  the  jungle  and  here  again  the  women  are  the  chief  providers. 
Although  in  the  sago  industry  both  sexes  have  well  defined  duties. 

Along  the  edge  of  the  cogon  lands  are  many  large  buri  palms,2  from 
which  a  starch  commercially  known  as  sago  is  secured.  The  men  cut 
down  a  tree  close  to  its  roots  and  remove  the  hard  outer  bark,  thus 
exposing  the  soft  fibrous  interior  (Plate  LIII) ;  then  a  section  of  bamboo 
is  bent  so  as  to  resemble  an  adze,  and  with  this  the  men  loosen  or  break 
up  the  soft  interior  portion  of  the  trunk.  This  is  removed  to  a  near-by 
stream,  and  is  placed  in  a  bark  vat  into  which  water  is  led  by  means  of 
bamboo  tubes.  Here  a  woman  works  it  with  her  hands  until  the 
starch  grains  are  separated  from  the  fibrous  matter.  As  the  water 
drains  slowly  out  the  fine  starch  is  carried  with  it  into  a  coarse  cloth 
sieve,  which  retains  all  the  larger  matter  but  allows  the  starch  to  be 
carried  into  another  bark  vat  below.     Fresh  water  passes  slowly  through 

1  See  p.  110  note. 

2  Corypha  umbraculifera. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  oe  Davao  District — Cole.      141 


this  lower  vat,  removing  the  bitter  sap  from  the  flour,  which  is  de- 
posited on  the  bottom  of  the  vat.  From  time  to  time  this  is  scraped 
up  and  placed  in  baskets  where  it  is  kept  until  needed.  The  flour, 
while  rather  tasteless,  is  nutritious  and  in  years  of  drought  is  the  chief 
source  of  food  supply. 

Preparation  of  the  meals,  care  of  the  children,  basket  and  mat 
making,  weaving  and  decoration  of  clothing,  take  up  most  of  the  time 
of  the  women  when  they  are  not  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  the 
fields  or  in  search  of  forest  products. 

The  hardest  work  in  the  fields  falls  to  the  men;  they  also  strip  the 
hemp  needed  in  weaving,  while  a  few  of  them  are  skilled  workers  in 
brass  and  copper  and  turn  out  bells  and  other  ornaments  not  at  all 
inferior  to  those  of  the  coast  natives.  Their  methods  of  casting  as 
well  as  their  manufactures  are  identical  with 
those  of  the  Bagobo  from  whom  they  probably 
learned  the  art.  So  far  as  could  be  learned 
no  iron  work  is  done  by  members  of  this  tribe, 
and  the  few  spears  and  knives  possessed  by  the 
warriors  seem  to  be  trade  articles. 

The  old  men  claim  that  until  recent  years 
the   bow  and   arrow  was   their  sole  offensive 
weapon.     It  is  certain   that  today  they  have 
a  greater  variety  of  arrows  and  are  more  skillful 
in  the  use  of  this  type  of  weapon  than  are  any 
of    their    neighbors.     None    of    the   weapons 
found  on  the  gulf  side 
of  the  divide  appeared 
to  be  poisoned,  but  a 
number     secured     by 
Major     Porter     from 
the       Lake       Buluan 
region    seem   to  have 
been    so    treated 
(Fig.    38).      Different 
types  of   arrows   have 
been     developed 
for  different  purposes; 
one      for      fighting, 
another  for  deer   and 

FIG.    38. 

Bows,  Arrows  and   quiver  from 
lake  Buluan   Region. 


4      * 


1 


142     Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

pig,  another  for  monkeys,  and  still  others  for  fish  and  birds  (Fig.  39). 
Birds  are  killed  also  by  means  of  reed  blow  guns,  identical  in  type  with 
those  shown  on   page   73,  Fig.  18.     As  a  rule  such  weapons  are  used 


* 


1 


t 


FIG.    39. 
BOWS    AND    ARROWS    IN    COMMON     USE. 


FIG.     40. 
PITCH    STICK   USED  I  N  TH  E  CAPTURE  OF  SMALL  BIRDS. 


by  boys.     Pitch  sticks  (Fig.  40),  chicken  snares,  and  fish  traps  are  in 
common  use,  but  bird  nets  and  wooden  decoys  seem  to  be  unknown. 

When  on  a  raid  warriors  carry  beautifully  carved  shields,  bows  and 
arrows,  spears,  and  fighting  knives  (Plates  LIV-LV).  They  are  in 
bad  repute  with  the  coast  natives,  but  are  really  far  less  warlike  and 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     143 

troublesome  than  any  of  their  neighbors.  Their  isolated'  dwellings 
serve  as  protection  against  invaders,  but  at  the  same  time  make  it 
difficult  to  gather  large  bodies  of  men  for  raiding  purposes.  It  is  only 
when  urged  on  by  an  invasion  of  their  country,  by  a  desire  for  revenge 
for  real  or  fancied  wrongs,  or  when  a  victim  is  needed  for  a  sacrifice 
that  great  raids  are  planned.  Before  a  war  party  is  to  start  against 
an  enemy  the  leader  takes  eight  pieces  of  betel  nut  and  some  leg  bands 
and  placing  them  on  his  shield,  bids  his  followers  lay  their  weapons 
upon  them.  Addressing  the  guardian  spirit  of  the  warriors,  he  speaks 
as  follows:  "Now  listen  I,amot  ta  Mangayo,  let  the  person  who  killed 
my  brother  come  to  meet  us  even  though  his  head  does  ache,  for  now  we 
offer  to  you.  Give  us  good  fortune  in  the  fight."  Upon  returning 
from  the  fray  they  place  eight  whole  betel  nuts,  together  with  leaves, 
on  a  plate,  and  having  set  it  outside  the  house,  one  of  the  warriors  calls 
to  M£lu  saying:  "If  the  brother  of  the  man  we  have  killed  in  payment 
for  my  brother  calls  on  you  for  aid,  you  must  not  give  heed,  for  here  we 
make  a  present  to  you." 

There  are  no  restrictions  placed  upon  a  pregnant  woman,  who,  as 
a  rule,  continues  her  regular  duties  until  near  the  time  of  delivery1. 
When  the  first  pains  begin  an  old  man  or  woman  offers  four  pieces  of 
betel  nut  to  M£lu,  and  to  the  spirit  of  the  child's  grandfather,  if  de- 
ceased. The  midwife  prepares  a  drink  which  is  supposed  to  aid  in  the 
delivery,  and  after  the  birth  she  cuts  the  umbilical  cord  with  a  bamboo 
knife.  She  also  assists  about  the  house  for  a  time,  and  for  these  services 
receives  two  or  three  Chinese  plates,  some  small  knives,  rings  for  the 
right  arm,  and  some  needles.  The  father  is  not  under  any  restrictions 
at  this  time,  but  for  a  day  of  two  he  will  gather  young  patina  palms  and 
from  them  prepare  food  for  his  wife. 

From  birth  until  marriage  the  career  of  the  child  is  without  special 
event.  He  is  a  welcome  addition  to  the  family,  but  no  ceremonies 
attend  either  his  naming,  or  his  arrival  at  the  age  of  puberty. 

As  a  rule,  a  youth  does  not  take  a  wife  until  he  is  near  twenty  years 
of  age,  and  then  his  mate  is  generally  of  his  own  choosing.  Having 
decided  upon  a  suitable  girl  he  informs  his  parents  and  the  friends  he 
may  wish  to  accompany  him  when  he  goes  to  her  home  to  press  his  suit. 
Arrived  at  the  house,  the  father  of  the  suitor  expresses  his  belief  that 
his  son  wishes  to  reside  there  since  he  now  asks  the  daughter  for  his 
wife.  In  reply  he  is  told  that  the  family  is  poor,  having  neither  agongs, 
animals,  or  other  things  of  value.     The  suitor  at  once  makes  an  offering 

1  A  woman  does  not  work  during  her  periods,  and  any  food  prepared  by  her  at 
that  time  would  be  refused  by  all  who  knew  her  condition. 


144    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

of  some  of  these  desired  articles,  but  whatever  the  gift  may  be,  a  return 
present  equal  to  half  its  value  must  be  made.1  Should  the  girl's  parents 
reject  the  gift  all  negotiations  would  be  called  off  and  the  guests  return 
home,  but  as  a  rule,  both  families  are  well  aware  of  and  favorable  to  the 
expected  wedding  sometime  before  the  visit  of  the  groom's  parents. 
After  the  exchange  of  gifts,  food  is  furnished  first  to  the  guests  and  later 
to  the  couple,  who  in  the  presence  of  all  the  friends,  feed  each  other 
with  rice  and  are  henceforth  considered  as  husband  and  wife.  Until 
after  the  birth  of  a  child  the  couple  live  with  the  girl's  family  and  the 
groom  serves  his  father-in-law.  After  the  birth  of  an  heir  the  couple 
establish  a  home  of  their  own  and  to  it  the  husband  may  bring  other 
wives  if  he  desires.  He  pays  a  price  for  these  new  wives,  but  does  not 
give  any  services  to  their  families.  The  first  mate  is  considered  su- 
perior to  the  others,  and  in  case  her  husband  dies,  she  acts  as  admin- 
istrator of  his  property;  however,  the  children  of  a  second  wife  share 
equally  with  those  by  the  first  marriage. 

The  evening  following  a  death,  the  friends  gather  and  throughout 
the  night  sing  of  the  virtues  of  the  deceased  and  of  their  own  sorrow. 
The  body  is  placed  on  a  mat  in  the  center  of  the  house  and  for  three 
days  is  watched  over  by  the  relatives,  who,  during  this  time,  abstain 
from  music,  dancing,  shouting,  or  loud  talking.  The  women  cease 
from  weaving  and  the  men  refrain  from  all  labor.  A  breaking  of  this 
taboo  would  result  in  the  certain  death  of  the  offender,  for  the  spirit 
of  the  dead  man  is  still  near  at  hand  and  is  sure  to  wreak  his  vengeance 
on  those  who  show  him  disrespect.  Finally,  the  body  is  wrapped  in 
mats  and  is  buried  at  some  little  distance  from  the  house.  All  the 
people  return  to  the  dwelling,  where  the  headman  makes  a  cup  out  of 
leaves,  and  having  placed  in  it  a  narrow  belt  or  string,  together  with 
betel  leaves,  sets  it  adrift  on  a  near-by  stream,  while  all  the  men  shout.2 
This  removes  the  ban,  so  that  all  the  people  can  resume  their  re- 
gular occupations. 

If  the  deceased  has  been  a  person  of  great  importance,  the  death 
should  be  followed  eight  days  later  by  a  human  sacrifice.  This  rite, 
while  less  common  than  with  the  Bagobo,  is  by  no  means  infrequent, 
and  may  be  occasioned  by  several  causes  beside  that  of  death.  For 
instance,  if  a  person  has  been  ill  for  a  long  time  and  his  relatives  have 
become  convinced  that  an  enemy  has  used  magic  to  bring  about  the 
misfortune,  they  may  seize  and  sacrifice  him,  even  though  he  be  a  mem- 
ber of  their  own  community.     A  case  is  known  where  a  thief  was  put 

1  Note  the  similaritj'  to  the  Bagobo  custom.     Page  101. 

2  See  pp.  157  and  161. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     145 

to  death  in  this  manner.  As  there  is  considerable  variation  in  the 
accounts  of  this  important  ceremony  the  writer  has  thought  it  wise  to 
give  the  descriptions  of  two  eye-witnesses. 

The  first  informant  was  an  eighteen  year  old  Bila-an  boy  of  Labau 
named  Lantingan.     His  account  is  as  follows: 

"Sololin  of  Ma-al,  the  wife  of  Karan,  a  Bila-an  living  near  Digos, 
died  and  her  husband,  in  company  with  Umook,  Gamban,  and  Bunod, 
Bagobos  of  Digos,  and  the  people  of  Labau,  decided  that  a  sacrifice 
was  necessary  both  because  of  the  death  and  in  order  that  the  size, 
wealth,  and  fame  of  the  tribe  might  be  increased.  About  this  time 
Dianon,  a  Bila-an  of  Latian  (now  deceased),  caught  a  man  named 
Saligon  stealing  camotes,  sugar-cane,  and  corn  from  the  land.1  He 
bound  and  tied  the  man,  and  after  a  conference  with  Karan,  Dianon 
agreed  to  turn  over  his  prisoner  for  the  sacrifice  if  paid  five  agongs  and 
one  gun. 

"The  sacrifice  took  place  on  a  stream  called  Matinao  near  Labau 
during  the  new  moon.  Two  poles  were  sunk  into  the  ground  seven  feet 
apart,  and  a  cross-piece  attached  about  six  feet  above  the  ground. 
The  culprit  was  tied  with  hands  crossed.,  one  on  each  side  of  the  horizon- 
tal pole  so  that  his  arms  were  high  above  his  head,  and  his  feet  were 
fastened  to  a  stake. 

"The  men  gathered  close  around  the  poles,  but  the  women  and 
children  stood  at  a  distance.  Karan  took  his  stand  just  back  and  to  the 
right  of  the  victim,  and  Umook  stood  in  front  on  the  left  side.  Both 
unsheathed  their  knives  and  then  they  called  upon  the  spirits  Dwata, 
M£lu  and  Lamot  ta  Mangayo  to  look  and  see  that  they  were  killing 
the  man  because  of  his  great  fault;  if  this  were  not  true  they  surely 
would  not  kill  him.2  At  this  point  Saligon,  the  victim,  told  the  men 
that  he  was  not  afraid  to  die,  that  if  they  killed  him,  their  fault  would  be 
great,  but  that  if  they  would  release  him,  he  would  return  at  once  to 
his  home  in  Bilawan  and  would  not  cause  them  any  trouble  because  of 
what  they  had  proposed  to  do.  When  he  stopped  talking,  Karan 
struck  him  from  in  front  just  below  the  ribs  with  his  fighting  knife,,  and 
Umook  struck  him  from  in  back.  The  other  men  present  who  were 
willing  to  pay  for  the  privilege  then  struck  at  the  body  with  their  knives. 

1  The  woman  Sololin  had  planted  this  sugar-cane  and  is  reported  to  have  eaten 
some  of  it  just  prior  to  her  death.  The  cane  stolen  was  from  the  patch,  but  the 
informant  could  not  say  whether  or  not  this  had  anything  to  do  with  later  develop- 
ments. 

2  The  informant  here  added  that  if  the  man  had  not  been  guilty,  Karan  and 
Umook  would  surely  have  been  punished  with  sickness;  but  since  they  were  not  ill, 
it  is  certain  that  he  was  bad,  and  that  Dwata  had  taken  his  body  up  and  would 
not  punish  his  murderers. 


146    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

The  body  was  then  cut  down  and  buried  in  a  shallow  grave  already- 
prepared  for  it.  No  parts  were  carried  away,  although  in  some  cases 
the  worren  take  the  long  hairs  of  the  victim  and  sew  them  in  the  de- 
signs on  the  men's  trousers  in  place  of  black  thread."1 

Datu  Baklay  who  now  lives  near  the  Padada  river,  but  was  formerly 
a  resident  of  the  Malalag  cogon  plains,  claims  that  the  ceremony  is 
not  a  yearly  event,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Bagobo,  neither  does  if  follow 
each  death;  but  if  the  deceased  has  been  a  person  of  great  importance 
or  a  member  of  the  ruler's  family  it  should  take  place  in  eight  days, 
regardless  of  the  phase  of  the  moon  or  the  position  of  the  stars.  He 
further  insists  that  neither  Balatik  nor  any  other  constellation  governs 
the  time  of  an  offering,  nor  does  such  a  ceremony  insure  better  crops 
or  success  in  war.  He  describes  the  sacrifice  following  the  death  of 
Datu  Kalayan,  his  father,  as  follows: 

"A  Bila-an  slave  was  purchased  for  one  agong  and  preparations 
made  for  a  sacrifice.  A  small  house  without  floor  or  sides  was  built  in 
the  forest  some  distance  from  the  town,  and  in  this  were  two  upright 
poles  which  supported  a  crossbeam  at  a  height  of  about  seven  feet. 
Near  them  and  inside  the  house  a  shallow  grave  was  dug  and  then  the 
victim  was  brought  in.  He  was  tied  to  the  horizontal  pole,  hands 
crossed  one  on  each  side  of  the  beam.  The  men  filled  the  house, 
leaving  a  free  place  only  near  the  victim,  and  the  women  and  children 
crowded  close  around  in  the  yard.  After  addressing  the  spirits,  Lamot 
ta  Mangayo,  M£lu,  and  Dwata,  I  placed  my  spear  to  the  man's  side, 
and  then  all  the  male  relatives  took  hold  of  the  shaft  and  at  my  signal 
forced  the  weapon  through  the  body.  Other  men  then  cut  at  the  body 
with  their  knives,  finally  releasing  it  from  the  pole.  While  it  lay  on 
the  ground  the  women  and  boys  were  allowed  to  enter  the  house  and 
throw  spears  at  it,  after  which  it  was  buried." 

Baloey,  a  Kagan  living  at  Padada,  claims  to  have  seen  a  Bila-an 
sacrifice  at  Ma-al,  about  ten  years  ago,  while  Bagobo  Datu  Ansig  of 
Talun,  and  Tongkaling  of  Cibolan  claim  to  have  witnessed  several  of 
these  events.  As  their  accounts  agree  in  most  particulars  with  the 
two  just  recorded,  it  seems  probable  that  we  have  here  a  fairly  accurate 
account  of  a  rite  which  no  white  man  has  seen  or  can  hope  to  see. 

In  studying  the  decorative  art  of  this  people  a  person  encounters  the 

same  difficulties  as  with  the  Bagobo.     Nearly  all  garments  are  covered 

with  elaborate  patterns  (Plates  LVI-LX),  to  some  of  which  all  the 

people  will  give  the  same  names  and  explanations;  but  by  far  the 

1  The  informant  further  volunteered,  that  the  Bila-an  make  a  sacrifice  every 
two  years,  and  that  several  years  ago  his  uncle  named  KB  was  the  victim.  At  that 
time  he  was  too  young  to  remember  the  details. 


September,   1913.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     147 

greater  portion  of  the  designs  have  only  pattern  names  which  are 
unexplained.  Many  designs  are  readily  identified  as  men  and  alligators. 
In  Fig.  41  the  forms  marked  a  are  identified  as  men  and  women,  while 
the  conventionalized  crocodile  is  shown  in  the  same  plates  by  the  figures 
marked  b.  Fig.  42  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting  since  it  shows  in  one 
garment  the  process  of  conventionalization.  Nos.  1,  2,  3  and  4,  are 
realistic  representations  of  the  human  form;  in  5  and  6  the  heads  are 


i  111        W  '"■■  i|f   ' 

if* 


FIG.    41. 

DESIGNS    EMBROIDERED    ON     MEN'S    CLOTHING. 


lacking  but  the  figures  are  easily  recognized,  while  the  balance  have 
lost  all  resemblance  to  the  original,  except  for  the  uplifted  arms  and 
spread  legs.  However,  the  great  majority  of  decorative  patterns  on 
clothing  are  without  meaning  to  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  this  is 
true  also  of  the  designs  on  baskets,  in  mats,  the  incised  designs  often 
seen  on  pottery  jars,  and  of  the  carvings  which  frequently  cover  hangers, 
tobacco  tubes,  and  the  like. 


148     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


The  language  of  this  tribe,  while  quite  uniform  among  its  divisions, 
varies  considerably  from  that  of  any  of  their  coast  neighbors.  There 
is  at  once  noticeable  a  more  common  use  of  obscure  vowel  and  con- 
sonant sounds,  such  as  b,  f,  E,  a,  and  k,  in  the  beginning,  end  or  even 
in  the  body  of  the  word;  while  the  letter  f,  seldom  found  in  Philippine 
dialects,  is  here  very  common ;  and  finally,  there  is  wide  variation  in 
vocabulary. 

There  are  certain  ill-defined  tales  to  the  effect  that  this  tribe  once 
lived  about  Lake  Buluan,  and  one  writer1  has  attempted  to  show  that 
the  tribal  name  is  derived  from  that  earlv  home.     Todav  thev  are  still 


FIG.    42. 
DESIGNS     EMBROIDERED    ON     MEN'S    CLOTHING. 

in  considerable  numbers  in  that  region,  and  this  together  with  the  fact 
that  they  are  now,  and  have  been  since  the  advent  of  the  white  man, 
primarily  an  interior  mountain  people,  helps  to  give  credence  to  the 
belief  that  they  have  spread  to  their  present  homes  from  the  lake 
district.  Their  language  is  a  further  proof  that  they  have  long  been 
separated  from  the  people  of  the  Davao  Gulf  region,  for  it  differs  more 
from  all  the  other  dialects  studied  than  did  any  of  these  vary  among 
themselves.  Despite  the  foregoing  statement,  this  brief  sketch  has 
shown  that  in  material  culture,  religion,  and  even  physical  type  this 
tribe  does  not  differ  radically  from  the  Bagobo. 
1  Blumentritt,  Smithsonian  Report  for  1899. 


III.    KULAMAN. 

Synonyms. 

(a)  CULAMANES. 

(b)  Manobo. 

According  to  Governor  Bolton  this  tribe  numbers  about  thirty-five 
hundred  individuals  and  occupies  a  considerable  portion  of  the  coast, 
and  adjacent  mountains,  from  the  Padada  river  on  the  north  to  Saran- 
gani  Bay  on  the  south.  On  the  east  side  of  Davao  Gulf  its  members 
are  found  along  the  beach  and  in  the  mountains,  from  Sigaboy  to  Cape 
San  Agustin,  and  also  in  a  few  scattered  villages  on  the  southeastern 
Pacific  Coast. 

By  their  neighbors  they  are  known  as  Kulaman  or  Manobo.  The 
former  designation  is  translated  as  "bad  man,"  but  it  is  probable  that 
they  received  the  name  from  the  town  of  Kulaman,  where  they  formerly 
resided.  They  are  equally  well  known  as  Manobo — a  word  meaning 
"man."  Earlier  writers,  misled  by  these  two  names,  have  generally 
treated  this  people  as  forming  two  distinct  groups,  but  this  is  quite 
incorrect,  both  names  being  applied  to  a  part  or  to  the  whole  of  the 
tribe.  It  has  also  been  customary  to  describe  them  as  a  part  of  the 
great  Manobo  tribe  which  inhabits  a  large  portion  of  Central  and 
Northeastern  Mindanao.  The  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  there  is 
not  sufficient  evidence  to  justify  such  a  classification  and  that  for  the 
present  we  must  consider  them  as  distinct  from  the  Manobo  of  the 
northern  district  as  are  the  other  tribes  of  Davao  Gulf. 

According  to  their  own  tales,  the  Kulaman  once  held  all  the  coast 
from  the  Padada  River  to  Sarangani  Bay,  but  did  not  extend  far  back 
from  the  sea,  since  in  the  mountains  lived  the  Tagakaolo  and  Bila-an 
with  whom  they  were  constantly  at  war.  When  the  Moro  appeared 
on  their  coasts  and  offered  help  against  the  hill  tribes  in  return  for 
land,  they  were  gladly  received  and  were  given  several  village  sites 
near  to  the  mouths  of  various  rivers.  Aside  from  a  few  minor  quarrels, 
the  Kulaman  have  always  lived  on  friendly  terms  with  these  later 
comers,  and  not  a  few  of  the  tribe  have  been  converted  to  Moham- 
medism. 

Influenced  by  their  new  allies  they  organized  under  several  petty 
rulers  who  were  subservient  to  the  datu  at  Kulaman,  and  with  this 
superior  organization  they  were  able  to  carry  on  such  successful  warfare 

149 


150    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

against  the  hill  tribes  that  the  Tagakaolo  were,  for  a  time,  partially 
under  their  rule. 

When  the  Spaniards  arrived  and  undertook  to  subdue  the  Moro, 
the  Kulaman  cast  their  lot  with  their  Mohammedan  allies,  and  even 
after  the  power  of  the  Moro  was  broken,  they  remained  irreconcilable  and 
frequently  raided  the  settlements  under  the  care  of  the  Spanish  priests. 

The  recent  history  of  the  tribe,  as  told  by  Datu  Bongkalasan  of 
Padada,  as  is  follows :  "About  a  hundred  years  ago  when  Gogo  became 
datu,  he  left  Kulaman  and  settled  at  Piapi,  not  far  from  Padada,  and 
planted  the  cocoanut  trees  which  can  still  be  seen  there.  He  was  a 
man  with  a  very  small  head,  but  his  arms  were  as  large  as  a  man's 
legs.  He  lived  until  very  old,  and  during  his  lifetime  never  did  any 
work  but  was  always  a  great  warrior.  Under  him  the  tribe  became 
strong  and  all  the  other  datu  'feared  him.  When  he  died  his  son  Kolatau 
my  uncle,  succeeded  him.  Like  his  father,  he  was  a  great  warrior  and 
all  the  neighboring  tribes  paid  him  slaves  and  other  tribute.  His 
two  sons  died  during  his  lifetime;  so  upon  his  death  the  leadership  fell 
to  me,  Bongkalasan." 

By  the  time  Bongkalasan  became  ruler,  the  influence  of  the  Span- 
iards was  strong  enough  to  break  the  power  of  any  coast  datu,  and  after 
a  hostile  demonstration  by  the  new  ruler  his  town  was  destroyed  and 
his  following  scattered.  A  part  of  the  people  took  to  the  hills  while 
others  migrated  to  the  east  side  of  the  Gulf  and  settled  near  Sigaboy. 
It  is  not  believed  that  any  members  of  this  tribe  were  in  that  vicinity 
prior  to  this  time.  A  further  migration  took  place  shortly  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Americans,  when  a  brother  of  Bongkalasan  took  a  number 
of  the  Kulaman  over  to  Sigaboy.  A  certain  amount  of  communication 
is  kept  up  between  the  people  on  both  sides  of  the  Gulf  and  the  dialects 
are  still  so  similar  that  it  is  certain  the  separation  has  not  been  for  any 
great  period  of  time.  • 

Upon  the  establishment  of  American  rule  a  number  of  hemp  planters 
settled  along  the  coast  and  soon  their  inducements  to  laborers  began 
to  scatter  the  people,  until  today  members  of  this  tribe  can  be  found 
as  far  north  as  Santa  Cruz.  The  power  and  influence  of  the  datu  has 
waned  until  he  now  has  a  following  of  less  than  two  hundred  people. 
Only  that  portion  of  the  tribe  which  retired  to  the  hills  still  maintains 
any  semblance  of  their  old  prowess  and  even  those  groups  are  growing 
smaller  year  by  year. 

At  the  height  of  their  power  the  men  of  the  tribe  were  noted  as  boat- 
builders1  and  fishermen.     Fighting  also  took  up  a  considerable  portion 

1  This  art  is  now  practically  lost  and  their  boats  are  secured  from  the  Moro. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     151 


of  their  time,  for  added  to  their  desire  for  loot  and  slaves  was  a  demand 
for  victims  imposed  by  the  warrior  deity.  The  women  cultivated  little 
patches  of  corn,  camotes,  and  some  cocoanuts,  and  at  certain  seasons 
all  the  members  of  the  tribe  went  to  the  forest  to  gather  sago,  but  aside 
from  this  the  sea  furnished  most  of  their  food  supply.  According  to 
their  own  stories  they  did  not  cultivate  rice  until  recent  years,  and 
Datu  Bongkalasan  insists  that  none  of  the  people  planted  rice  when 
he  was  a  boy.  It  is  his  belief  that  all  the  ceremonies  connected  with  the 
rice  culture  were  learned  from  the  Tagakaolo  and  Bila-an. 

From  the  Spanish  writers1  we  hear  little  but  evil  of  this  people, 
They  are  spoken  of  as  warlike,  superstitious,  treacherous,  and  vengeful 
as  head-hunters  "who  expose  the  heads  of  their  enemies  on  poles,"  and 
as  slavers.  From  Father  Gisbert2  we  learn  that  in  1886,  about  twelve 
hundred  members  of  the  tribe  were  converted  to  Christianity;  but  during 
the  period  following  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards  most  of  them  desert- 
ed the  faith  and  returned  to  the  old  life.  Since  American  occupation 
they  have  been  among  the  most  troublesome  people  of  Southern  Min- 
danao, and  only  as  late  as  191 1  were  responsible  for  the  death  of  a  num- 
j-rp^ — pj] — __— ^^   ber  of  planters  and  the  destruction 

of  the  plantations  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Nuin.  They  are  rapidly 
breaking  up  as  a  tribe,  and  are  inter- 
marrying with  the  coast  natives  and 
hill  tribes,  from  both  of  whom  they 
are  adopting  artifacts  and  ideas. 
Already  they  have  so  altered  their 
dwellings  that  we  cannot  refer  to  a 
typical  Kulaman  home;  their  house- 
hold   utensils3    are    those    of    their 


HE 


fMp* 


JiP^wJ? 


FIG.    43. 

Part  of  a  Hemp  Cloth  pillow  Cover. 


FIG.    44. 

Waterproof  basket  with   In- 
Fitting  Top. 


1  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  LV,  p.  556. 

2  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  242. 

3  Long  narrow  hemp  cloth  pillows  (fig.  43)  and  round  waterproof  boxes  with 
infitting,  tray-like  tops  (fig.  44)  are  found  in  nearly  every  house.  The  use  of  these 
two  articles  is  not  confined  to  this  people,  but  is  typical  of  them.  The  same  type 
of  box  is  found  among  the  Manobo  of  the  Agusan  river  valley. 


152    Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History— Anth.,  Voe.  XII. 

neighbors,  and  this  is  true  also  of  most  of  the  clothing,  although  one 
special  type  will  be  mentioned  later  on. 

As  a  result  of  their  slave  raids,  and  the  adoption  of  captive  women 
and  their  offspring  into  the  family,  we  find  great  variation  in  the  mem- 
bers of  the  tribe  (Plates  LXI-LXII). 

Measurements  on  twenty-seven  men  gave  the  following  results: 

Height: — Maximum  169.0  cm.;  minimum  146.0  cm.;  average 
158.3  cm. 

Cephalic  Index: — Maximum  86.4;  minimum  71.7;  average  78.1. 

Length-Height  Index: — Maximum  76.5;  minimum  61.9;  average 
68.4. 

If  these  figures  are  compared  with  those  of  the  Bagobo  it  will  be  seen 
that  there  is  little  difference  in  the  averages;  however,  this  similarity 
is  less  real  than  the  figures  indicate,  for  with  the  Kulaman  there  are 
more  individuals  at  both  extremes.  For  example:  the  cephalic  indices 
of  eight  out  of  the  twenty-seven  were  80  or  above,  while  six  were  less 
than  75;  again,  in  the  length-height  indices  six  were  above  70  and  an 
equal  number  less  than  65.  In  other  respects  there  is  such  variation 
that  it  is  hard  to  generalize.  It  is  noticeable  that  there  is  a  greater 
tendency  toward  prognathism  than  we  have  heretofore  met  with;  the 
forehead,  while  high,  is  moderately  retreating  and  the  supra-orbital 
ridges  prominent  in  most  individuals;  the  hair  is  brown-black  and  is 
inclined  to  curl  in  locks.  The  wide  variation  of  type  within  the  tribe 
is  to  be  expected  when  we  know  that  its  members  have  been  constantly 
recruited  from  the  neighboring  tribes.  It  is  even  possible  that  a  con- 
siderable number  of  slave  women  from  distant  islands  may  have  been 
added  to  the  group  by  purchase  from  the  Moro.1 

The  religious  beliefs  have  many  points  in  common  with  those  of  the 
neighboring  tribes,  but  there  are  some  which  require  special  notice. 

Two  powerful  beings,  TimanEm  and  his  wife  Diwata2  are  above  all 
other  spirits. 

Mandalangan,  also  called  Siling  or  Manobo  Siring,  is  much  like  the 
Bagobo  divinity  of  similar  name.  He  is  fond  of  war  and  bloodshed  and 
when  there  has  been  a  great  slaughter  he  feasts  on  the  flesh  and  drinks 
of  the  blood  of  the  slain.  Only  warriors  can  address  him  and  make  the 
offerings  of  red  food  which  he  demands.     Once  a  year,  usually  after 

1  According  to  early  writers,  the  Moro  of  the  Gulf  carried  on  a  lucrative  slave 
trade  with  this  and  other  tribes.  As  the  Moro  raids  were  made  by  water  and  often 
reached  as  far  as  the  Northeastern  coast  of  this  island  and  south  to  the  Celebes  it 
is  quite  possible  that  these  remote  districts  have  helped  in  the  upbuilding  of  the 
tribe  under  discussion. 

2  The  Padada  people  say  the  term  diwata  is  a  name  which  may  be  applied  to  the 
timanEm,  of  whom  there  are  two,  a  male  and  a  female. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  oe  Davao  District — Cole.      153 

the  rice  harvest  and  when  the  moon  is  full,  a  raid  must  be  made  and 
victims  slain  so  that  this  spirit  can  feast.1  If  the  warriors  fail  to  render 
him  this  service  Mandalangan  will  cause  their  bodies  to  swell  up  and 
many  will  die,  while  sickness  will  visit  all  other  members  of  the  tribe.2 

The  many  spirits  who  inhabit  rocks  and  large  trees  are  generally 
favorable  to  man  and  are  collectively  known  as  magintaldnan. 

Tama  owns  the  deer  and  wild  pigs,  and  no  one  hunts  or  traps  in  the 
forest  until  he  has  made  an  offering  of  betel  nut  to  this  spirit.  When 
game  is  secured  its  tail  and  ears  are  strung  on  rattan  and  are  hung  in  a 
tree,  in  exchange  for  the  live  animal. 

The  manidkan,  generally  evil  spirits,  resemble  snakes,  and  like  them 
live  in  the  ground.  People  are  frequently  made  lame  by  simply  stepping 
over  their  homes. 

Each  man  and  woman  has  a  spirit,  kalalda,3  dwelling  in  his  body 
during  lifetime.  At  death  this  spirit  goes  into  the  sky,  unless  it  deserves 
punishment,  in  which  case  it  is  hurried  to  Ktlot,  a  region  below.  In 
either  place  these  spirits  keep  close  watch  over  the  living  and  bring 
success  or  disaster  according  to  their  will.  They  have  come  to  be 
looked  upon  as  the  guardians  of  the  fields,  and  suitable  offerings  are 
made  to  them  at  planting  and  harvest  time. 

A  few  old  men,  makating,  are  thought  to  be  able  to  address  the 
spirits  with  greater  probability  of  success  than  the  others;  but  they  do 
not  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  the  spirit  world  as  do  the  mabalian  of 
the  Bagobo.  The  nearest  approach  to  that  class  is  a  group  of  women 
known  as  lokEsi,  who  act  as  midwives  and  make  use  of  roots  and  herbs 
in  curing  sickness. 

The  people  are  warned  of  disaster  or  impending  danger  by  various 
signs.  A  snake  crossing  the  trail  is  an  imperative  order  for  the  traveler 
to  turn  back;  the  call  of  the  limokon5  is  likewise  a  warning,  while  should 
one  of  the  principals  to  any  agreement  sneeze  during  the  negotiations 
the  project  would  be  delayed  or  abandoned. 

There  is  only  slight  development  of  beliefs  and  ceremonies  in  con- 
nection with  the  cultivation  of  field  crops,  due  probably  to  the  recent 
adoption  of  agriculture  by  the  members  of  this  tribe.     A  field  is  seldom 

1  Datu  Bongkalasan  says  it  was  formerly  the  custom  to  make  a  foray  at  each 
full  moon. 

2  This  was  the  reason  given  for  the  raid  on  the  coast  plantations  in  191 1. 

3  The  Kulaman  of  Santa  Cruz  insist  that  each  person  has  two  kalalda,  one  on  the 
right  side  and  one  on  the  left.  At  death  the  one  on  the  right  side,  goes  to  a  good 
place  in  the  sky,  where  there  is  no  work  and  'thoughts  come  easy."  The  kalalda 
of  the  left  side  goes  into  the  ground  to  a  poor  place  called  Kilot.  It  is  probable 
that  the  neighboring  Bagobo  have  influenced  the  beliefs  of  this  group. 

4  In  Santa  Cruz  known  as  bagbabolan  or  mananagdmen. 

5  See  p.  63  note. 


154     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

planted  to  rice  for  more  than  one  season,  after  which  the  land  is  used 
for  corn,  camotes,  and  the  like,  until  the  invasion  of  cogon  grass  makes 
further  cultivation  impossible. 

As  a  result  new  land  must  be  broken  for  each  planting.  When  the 
constellation  layag  "a  sail,"  and  balangay  "a  boat"  appear  in  the  month 
of  December,  the  people  go  to  the  desired  plot,  cut  down  the  trees,  and 
when  these  are  dry,  fire  them. 

Before  the  planting  can  be  begun  the  seed  rice  must  be  carried  to  the 
center  of  the  field  where  a  bamboo  pole,  talabtman,  and  a  stalk  of  sugar- 
cane have  previously  been  placed,  as  an  offering  to  the  kalaloa  who 
guard  the  land.  Again  at  harvest  time  an  offering  of  food  is  taken  to 
this  spot  and  the  spirits  of  the  dead  are  besought  as  follows:  "Do  not 
take  our  rice,  but  let  it  last  for  a  long  time,  for  now  we  give  a  part  to 
you."  A  meal  and  dance  follow  the  offering  and  then  all  who  desire 
may  aid  in  cutting  the  new  rice. 


FIG.    45. 
Man's  Knife  and   Sheath. 


No  offerings  are  associated  with  the  planting  or  harvesting  of  other 
field  crops,  but  the  gathering  of  sago  flour  is  attended  by  gifts  to  the 
spirits  of  the  dead  and  prayers  for  the  health  of  the  workers.  The 
method  of  obtaining  and  preparing  the  flour  is  the  same  as  that  already 
described.  Offerings  are  made  before  and  after  a  hunt,  and  a  man 
never  goes  to  fish  without  first  placing  a  leg  ring  and  some  betel  nut 
on  the  sand  close  to  the  water,  meanwhile  saying,  "You  TimanEm 
must  give  us  some  food,  and  you  shall  have  your  part."  Upon  his 
return  he  places  a  small  fish  beside  the  first  offering  and  is  then  free  to 
take  his  catch  to  the  village. 

In  addition  to  the  pursuits  already  outlined,  we  find  that  some  of  the 
men  are  expert  workers  in  iron  (Fig.  45),  copper,  and  brass,  while  the 
women  are  weavers.  Their  weaving  does  not  differ  from  that  pre- 
viously described,  but  a  peculiar  type  of  decoration  has  been  developed 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     155 

by  this  tribe,  and  from  them  has  spread  somewhat  to  their  neighbors. 
Waxed  threads  are  used  to  work  designs  into  cloth  so  that  when  the 
fabric  is  placed  in  dye  the  liquid  will  not  reach  the  portions  thus  cov- 
ered. Later,  when  the  threads  are  removed,  white  patterns  appear  on 
the  red  background  (See  Plate  LXIII). 

Slaves  are  kept,  but  their  duties  are  so  similar  to  those  of  the  free- 
born  that  it  is  impossible  for  the  casual  observer  to  pick  out  the  members 
of  this  class. 

Until  recent  years  a  large  part  of  the  man's  time  was  taken  up  in 
preparation  for  or  active  participation  in  the  inter-tribal  fights.  There 
are  several  incentives  for  these  raids.  First  is  the  desire  for  loot  and 
slaves;  then  comes  the  ambition  of  the  young  men  to  be  recognized  as 
successful  warriors;  and  finally,  and  most  compelling  is  the  demand  of 
the  spirit  Mandalangan  for  victims. 

A  man  who  has  killed  five  or  more  persons  is  entitled  to  wear  a  red 
suit  covered  with  peculiar  white  designs  (See  Plate  LXIII),  and  is 
henceforth  known  as  maboldt.  When  his  score  has  reached  twenty-five 
he  receives  the  still  more  honorable  title  of  matsEg  and  is  then  allowed 
to  dress  entirely  in  black  and  to  deck  his  hair  with  red  flowers.1 

A  raid  is  made  only  when  the  moon  is  full.  A  dish  of  red  rice  is 
decorated  with  red  flowers  and  is  placed  in  the  center  of  the  room. 
Around  it  the  warriors  stick  their  spears  and  then  one  of  the  oldest  of 
the  company  takes  up  a  handful  of  the  food  and  offers  it  to  the  spirit, 
saying:  "Mandalangan  come  and  eat,  for  we  are  ready  to  fight;  go 
with  us  and  help  us."  As  he  finishes  his  prayer  each  warrior  takes  a 
portion  of  the  rice  and  throws  it  out  of  doors,  for  "they  are  not  yet 
worthy  to  eat  what  Mandalangan  has  left."  Returning  to  the  room 
they  all  eat  of  white  rice  and  are  ready  for  the  raid  In  addition  to 
the'ir  spears  they  should  carry  shields  and  fighting  knives,  and  in  recent 
years  quite  a  number  have  come  into  possession  of  firearms. 

Although  the  warriors  are  bold  in  their  attack  and  do  not  hesitate 
to  assault  strong  villages,  they  have  no  scruples  against  seizing  or 
killing  members  of  small  parties  or  the  inhabitants  of  isolated  dwell- 
ings. It  is  necessary  that  the  raiders  secure  at  least  one  victim, 
otherwise  another  foray  must  be  made  at  once.  The  body  of  the  slain 
is  opened,  the  liver  is  extracted  and  is  eaten  by  the  warriors  who  thus 

1  The  flowers  used  are  Celosia  cristata  L.,  Graptophyllum  hortense  nees;  Coleus 
atropurpeus  Benth. 

2  Should  water  fall  by  accident  on  a  warrior  who  is  on  a  raid,  it  is  considered  a 
bad  omen  and  the  plans  may  be  changed  or  delayed.  In  one  instance  the  owner 
of  a  place  marked  for  attack  fastened  dishes  of  water  so  that  the  marauders  un- 
wittingly knocked  them  over  on  themselves,  and,  as  a  result,  the  place  was  left 
unharmed. 


156     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

"become  like  Mandalangan."1  The  head,  forearms,  and  lower  part 
of  the  legs  are  carried  back  to  the  village  where  they  are  cut  to  pieces 
by  the  women  and  children.  The  men  take  no  part  in  this  mutilation 
of  the  body,  but  as  soon  as  the  fragments  are  buried  they  begin  to  dance, 
meanwhile  holding  their  unsheathed  knives  high  above  their  heads. 
After  a  time  the  head-man  blows  loudly  on  a  decorated  bamboo  trumpet 
(Fig.  46),  while  all  the  men  unite  in  shouting  "to  announce  their  vic- 
tory." At  last  they  have  fulfilled  all  the  commands  of  Mandalangan 
and  without  fear  they  enter  the  house  and  partake  of  the  red  food 
which  has  been  offered  to  him. 

The  events  just  preceding  and  following  the  birth  of  a  child  are  very 
similar  to  those  of  the  Bagobo,  except  that  there  are  no  restrictions  of 
any  kind  placed  on  the  father  and  mother,  neither  are  there  any  cere- 


FIG.    46. 

Tambolang  or  Bamboo  Trumpet. 


monies  connected  with  the  birth  or  naming  of  a  child  unless  unusual 
events  have  convinced  the  people  that  the  spirits  are  in  some  way 
displeased.2 

The  afterbirth  is  placed  in  the  care  of  an  old  woman  who  carries  it 
directly  to  a  sturdy  molave3  tree  and  there  attaches  it  to  the  branches 
"so  that  the  child  may  become  strong  like  the  tree."  While  on  this 
mission  the  bearer  looks  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left,  nor  does 
she  hesitate,  for  such  actions  on  her  part  might  influence  the  disposition 
of  the  child  or  cause  it  to  have  physical  deformities.4  No  special  at- 
tention is  given  to  youths  when  they  reach  the  age  of  puberty,  although 
it  is  customary  to  file  and  blacken  their  teeth  at  about  that  period. 

Marriage  is  attended  by  gifts  and  ceremonies,  such  as  we  have 
previously  described.     We  find  the  groom  paying  a  price  for  his  bride, 

1  At  times  the  skull  is  opened  and  the  brain  eaten. 

2  Triplets  are  killed,  as  with  the  Bagobo. 

3  Vitex  littoralis  Decne. 

4  Similar  beliefs  are  held  by  the  Tinguian  of  Northern  Luzon. 


September,  19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     157 

but  receiving  a  return  gift  from  her  parents;  the  couple  feed  one  another 
with  rice  and  are  thereby  legally  married;  and  finally  we  learn  that  a 
child  is  kept  with  them  until  they  have  had  intercourse.  It  is  custo- 
mary for  the  youth  to  serve  his  father-in-law-to-be  for  two  or  three 
years  preceding  the  wedding,  after  which  he  is  released  from  such  service. 

As  is  the  case  with  the  neighboring  tribes,  polygamy  is  practiced,  the 
only  bar  to  marriage  being  blood  relationship.  Upon  the  death  of  the 
head  of  the  family  one-half  of  his  property  goes  to  his  wife  and  half 
to  the  children.  If  there  are  two  or  more  wives,  the  first  wife  still 
retains  half,  while  all  the  children  share  equally  in  the  balance  of  the 
estate,  thus  leaving  the  second  and  succeeding  wives  without  a  portion. 

Sickness  may  be  caused  by  evil  spirits,  or  it  may  be  due  to  a  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  kalalSa  to  leave  its  present  abode.  In  either  case  the 
man  becomes  ill  and  it  behooves  him  to  take  immediate  steps  to  placate 
the  evil  spirits  or  to  convince  his  kalalSa  to  remain  with  him.  This 
last  can  best  be  accomplished  by  bathing  the  sick  person  with  water  which 
has  been  heated  in  a  good  agong.  A  fine  dish  would  do  equally  well, 
but  should  the  hot  water  cause  it  to  break  the  spirit  would  depart  at 
once.  In  extreme  cases  the  lokEs  will  gather  certain  roots  and  brew 
them  into  a  drink  which  she  gives  to  the  sick  person.  At  each  tree  or 
shrub  visited  in  her  search  for  medicines  she  leaves  an  offering-  of  betel 
nuts  and  leg  rings,  and  when  the  drink  has  been  prepared  she  makes  a 
further  gift,  meanwhile  begging  TimanEm  to  aid  her  in  effecting  a  cure . 
If  all  efforts  fail  and  the  spirit  leaves,  the  corpse  is  placed  in  the  center 
of  the  house,  where  it  is  kept  from  two  to  nine  days  according  to  the 
wealth  and  prominence  of  the  deceased.  During  this  time  no  one  should 
sleep  in  the  dwelling,  for  the  spirit  might  be  resentful  and  turn  the  face 
of  the  sleeper  black. 

Usually,  the  body  is  buried  in  the  ground  at  a  distance  from  the 
house.  The  coffin  is  made  out  of  a  split  log,  in  which  weapons,  jars, 
and  the  like  are  placed  for  the  use  of  the  spirit.  If  the  dead  man  has 
been  a  warrior  he  is  dressed  in  the  clothing  distinctive  of  his  rank,  and 
his  grave  is  covered  with  red  flowers.  At  times  the  coffins  are  shaped 
to  resemble  small  boats  and  are  then  placed  on  high  poles  near  to  the 
beach. 

For  a  month  following  a  funeral  the  relatives  refrain  from  all  merry- 
making. At  the  expiration  of  this  period  all  go  to  a  near-by  river  and 
with  their  knives,  cut  to  pieces  a  braided  cord,  which  has  been  made 
since  the  burial,  and  as  they  destroy  it  they  shout  "This  is  a  man  we 
are  killing.  This  is  a  man  we  are  killing."  Finally,  the  pieces  are 
thrown  into  the  river  and  the  period  of  taboo  is  past. 


IV.    TAGAKAOLO. 

Synonyms. 

(a)  Tagakaola. 

(b)  Saka— "head  of  the  river." 

(c)  Kagan,  Kalagan,  Calaganes,  Caeagars. 

(d)  Laoc.  According  to  the  account  of  Paster1  this  name  is  given 
to  a  small,  degraded  division  of  the  Tagakaolo  who  live  in  the  mount- 
ains of  Haguimitan  on  San  Augustin  peninsula. 

The  present  habitat  and  general  condition  of  this  tribe  is  nearly  the 
same  as  that  of  the  Kulaman. 

Prior  to  Spanish  times  they  held  the  hill  region  back  of  the  coast, 
between  Malalag  and  Lais.  On  the  Gulf  side  they  were  barred  from 
the  sea  by  the  Kulaman  and  Moro,  while  in  the  mountains  they  en- 
countered the  powerful  Bila-an  tribe. 

About  fifty  years  ago  that  part  of  the  tribe  living  furthest  to  the 
north  united  under  the  leadership  of  a  brave  warrior  named  Paugok, 
and  made  war  on  the  Bagobo.  They  were  successful  in  this  conflict 
and  drove  their  enemies  from  the  rich  valleys  of  the  Padada  and  Bula- 
takay  rivers,  where  they  established  themselves.  This  brought  them 
in  close  contact  with  the  Kulaman  and  Moro  of  the  coast,  with  whom 
they  lived  on  friendly  terms.  The  influence  of  the  latter  group  was  so 
great  that  the  newcomers  not  only  adopted  their  style  of  dress,  but  also 
substituted  cotton  for  hemp  in  the  manufacture  of  their  garments. 
Today  the  members  of  this  tribe  can  still  be  recognized  by  their  close 
fitting  suits  of  red  and  yellow  striped  cloth,  from  which  they  have 
received  the  name  of  Kagan.2  They  have  also  been  constant  bor- 
rowers, from  all  their  neighbors,  of  ideas  for  house-building  and  uten- 
sils. They  have  intermarried  to  some  extent  with  the  Kulaman,  and 
in  times  past  Bila-an  and  Bagobo  slave  women  have  been  added  to  the 
tribe. 

Today  practically  all  the  members  of  the  Kagan  division  are  found 
living  on  the  American  plantations  along  the  Padada  and  Bulatakay 
rivers.  They  are  on  friendly  terms  with  their  Tagakaolo  kinsmen,  and 
are  still  so  like  them  in  language,  social  customs,  and  religious  beliefs, 
that  one  description  will  suffice  for  both. 

1  Blair  and  Robertson.  Vol.  XLI'II,  p.  259. 

2  The  general  name  applied  to  red  cotton  trade  cloth. 

158 


September,  19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.     159 

At  some  unrecorded  date  a  considerable  portion  of  the  tribe  migrated 
to  the  east  side  of  Davao  Gulf,  and  settled  near  Cape  San  Agustin, 
where,  it  is  said,  they  now  number  more  than  two  thousand. 

The  name  Tagakaolo  signifies  "those  who  dwell  at  the  head  of  the 
river,"  and  is  applied  to  all  the  hill  people  living  between  the  coast  and 
the  country  of  the  Bila-an.  They  have  always  been  broken  up  into 
small  groups,  often  at  war  with  one  another,  yet  they  appear  to  be 
quite  uniform  in  type,  language,  and  religious  beliefs.  In  recent  years 
many  of  them  have  been  induced  to  come  down  to  the  coast  plantations, 
but  the  great  majority  still  remain  in  the  mountains.  They  are  of  a 
turbulent,  warlike  disposition,  and  have  been  a  constant  source  of 
trouble  to  the  Spanish  and  American  authorities.1  At  the  time  of  the 
writer's  visit  they  had  joined  with  the  Kulaman  in  raiding  the  coast 
settlements,  and,  as  a  result,  were  being  vigorously  pursued  by  the 
American  troops;  for  this  reason  it  was  only  possible  to  gain  information 
from  those  remaining  on  the  plantations. 

The  total  number  of  persons  making  up  the  tribe  is  estimated  at  six 
thousand,  but  this  is  at  best  a  mere  guess. 

There  is  scarcely  any  variation  in  physical  type  between  the  Kagan 
branch  and  the  Tagakaolo  proper,  while  for  the  whole  tribe  there  is  less 
variation  between  its  members  than  in  any  group  so  far  discussed. 

The  following  results  were  obtained  by  measurements  on  twenty- 
seven  men: 

Maximum  height  166.6  cm.;  minimum  15 1.3  cm.;  average  157.4  cm. 

Cephalic  indices — Maximum  89.7;  minimum  76.3;  average  81.5. 

Length-height  indices — Maximum  79.0;  minimum  63.1 ,  average  70.0. 

These  tables  show  that  aside  from  being  more  short-headed,  this 
tribe  differs  little  from  the  Bagobo,  Bila-an,  and  Kulaman.  Like  the 
Kulaman,  they  have  high  foreheads,  often  full  and  vaulted  but  quite 
as  frequently  retreating  from  well-marked  supra-orbital  ridges.  They 
are  slightly  more  prognathous  than  the  Kulaman,  and  in  the  majority 
of  cases  the  hair  is  curled  in  locks.  The  teeth  are  usually  mutilated 
and  blackened,  while  shaving  of  the  eyebrows  and  tattooing  of  the  left 
forearm  and  breast  are  quite  common. 

The  historians  of. the  tribe  tell  us  that  all  the  Tagakaolo  are  de- 
scended from  Lakbang,  MLEngEdan,  and  his  wife  Bodek.  In  the 
beginning  these  three  persons  lived  on  a  small  island  in  the  sea.  Two 
children,  Linkanan  and  Lampagan,  were  born  to  them  and  they  in 
turn  were  parents  of  two  birds — the  kalau  and  sabltan.  These  birds 
flew  away  to  other  places  and  returned  with  bits  of  soil  which  their 

1  Members  of  this  tribe  were  responsible  for  the  murder  of  Governor  Bolton. 


160    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

parents  patted  and  moulded  with  their  hands  until  they  had  formed 
the  earth.  Other  children  were  born  and  from  them  have  come  all  the 
people  who  now  inhabit  the  land. 

Two  powerful  spirits,  Diwata  and  TimanEm,  watched  the  formation 
of  the  world,  and  when  it  was  completed  the  latter  spirit  planted  trees 
upon  it.  He  still  takes  considerable  interest  in  the  affairs  of  men  and 
each  year  sends  the  spirits  Layag  and  Bangay,1  as  stars,  to  tell  the 
people  when  to  prepare  their  land  for  the  planting  of  crops. 

Other  spirits,  less  friendly,  have  existed  from  the  first  time.  Of 
these  one  named  Siling  causes  much  trouble  by  confusing  travelers 
through  the  forest.  Spirits  of  unborn  children — mantianak2 — wander 
through  the  forest  crying  "ina-a-a"  (mother),  and  often  attack  human 
beings.  The  only  way  persons  thus  assailed  can  hope  to  escape  is  by 
running  to  a  stream  and  throwing  water  on  the  abdomens  of  their 
pursuers.  » 

The  powerful  spirit  Tama  owns  the  deer  and  wild  pig,  and  is  usually 
kind  to  hunters  who  offer  him  proper  gifts.  Should  they  fail  in  this 
duty  he  may  cause  them  to  become  lost  or  injured.  Mandalangan 
(Mandangan)  is  known  as  a  powerful  spirit  who  loves  war  and  blood- 
shed, but  he  is  so  closely  interwoven  in  the  minds  of  the  people  with 
TimanEm  that  it  is  doubtful  if  he  should  be  classed  as  a  separate  spirit. 

In  addition  to  these  beings  are  the  kawE,  or  shades  of  the  dead,  the 
chiefs  of  whom  are  the  people  who  created  the  earth.  During  life  the 
kawE  live  in  the  body,  but  after  death  they  go  to  the  sky  where  they 
remain  the  greater  part  of  the  time.  They  do  return  to  earth  at  certain 
seasons,  to  aid  or  injure  the  living,  and  it  is  usually  one  of  their  number 
who  keeps  guard  over  the  rice-fields.  Certain  persons  known  as  ballan 
can  talk  to  these  spirits  and  from  them  have  learned  the  ceremonies 
which  the  people  should  perform  at  certain  seasons,  and  at  the  critical 
periods  of  life.  In  the  main  these  ceremonies  are  so  similar  to  those 
just  described  that  it  is  useless  to  repeat.  The  proceedings  at  a  birth, 
marriage,  or  death  are  practically  identical  with  the  Kulaman,  as  are 
also  those  at  planting  and  harvest  time.  A  slight  variation  was  noticed 
after  the  rice  planting  at  Padada,  when  all  the  workers  placed  their 
planting  sticks  on  an  offering  of  rice  and  then  poured  water  over  them 
"so  as  to  cause  an  abundance  of  rain."  Another  difference  is  noticed 
following  the  death  of  a  warrior.  His  knife  lies  in  its  sheath  beside 
the  body  for  seven  days  and  during  that  time  can  only  be  drawn  if  it 
is  to  be  used  in  sacrificing  a  slave.     If  such  an  offering  is  made  it  is 

1  See  page  154. 

2  Frequently  called  husau. 


September,  19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     161 

carried  out  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  Bagobo  sacrifice,  except  that 
the  bereaved  father,  son,  or  brother  cuts  the  body  in  halves. 

If  it  is  impossible  to  offer  a  slave,  a  palm  leaf  cup  is  filled  with  water 
and  is  carried  to  the  forest.  Here  the  relatives  dance  and  then  dip 
the  knife  and  some  sticks  in  the  water  for  "this  is  the  same  as  dipping 
them  in  blood."  Later  they  are  carried  back  and  hung  up  in  the  house 
of  mourning. 

According  to  the  long  established  custom,  warriors  must  go  to  fight 
once  each  year,  when  the  moon  is  bright.  Spears,  fighting  knives, 
bows  and  arrows,  sharpened  bamboo  sticks,  and  shields  have  long  been 
used,  and  to  these  several  guns  have  been  added  in  recent  years. 

The  attack  is  from  ambush  and  the  victims  are  generally  cut  to 
pieces,  although  women  and  children  are  sometimes  taken  captive. 
Tufts  of  hair  taken  from  the  slain  are  attached  to  the  shields  of  the 
warriors,  and  an  arm  is  carried  back  to  the  home  town  "so  that  the 
women  and  children  can  cut  it  to  pieces  and  become  brave." 

The  foregoing  account  shows  that  the  Kagan  and  Tagakaolo  living 
on  the  hemp  plantations  differ  very  little  from  their  neighbors,  whom 
we  have  previously  described.  It  may  be  that  an  investigation,  carried 
on  in  peaceful  times,  far  back  in  the  mountains,  will  show  that  more 
radical  differences  exist  in  the  great  body  of  the  tribe. 


V.     ATA. 

The  people  classed  under  this  name  are  the  least  known  of  any  of  the 
wild  inhabitants  of  Mindanao.  They  probably  receive  their  name  from 
the  word  atds  which  signifies  "those  up  above"  or  "the  dwellers  in  the 
uplands."  It  does  not  appear  that  they  form  a  single  tribe,  or  that 
they  are  even  of  uniform  type. 

The  writer  did  no  intensive  work  with  them,  and  the  following  notes 
make  no  pretense  of  being  first-hand  knowledge.  I  have  drawn  on  all 
possible  sources  for  this  scanty  information,  but  am  mostly  indebted 
to  the  letters  and  reports  of  the  late  Governor  Bolton,  who,  without 
doubt,  knew  more  of  this  people  than  any  other  white  man. 

I  am  thus  compelled  to  make  my  descriptions  vague ;  indeed,  my  one 
excuse  for  dealing  with  the  Ata  is  to  bring  together  such  information 
as  we  possess  in  the  hope  that  it  may  be  of  value  to  some  other  worker 
who  may  later  take  up  the  task  of  studying  this  little  known  people. 

According  to  Governor  Bolton,  the  Ata  inhabit  the  regions  west  and 
northwest  of  Mt.  Apo,  the  headwaters  of  the  Davao  river — north  and 
west  of  the  Guianga — as  well  as  the  headwaters  of  the  Lasan,  Tuganay, 
and  Libagawan  rivers.  In  all  these  regions  they  extend  over  the  water- 
shed, converging  toward  the  center  of  the  island  at  the  headwaters  of 
the  Pulangi  river. 

It  should  be  noted  at  the  outset  that  the  Eto  or  Ata,  living  between 
the  Guianga  and  Bagobo,  should  not  be  included  in  this  division. 

In  the  region  about  Mt.  Apo  they  are  closely  allied  to  the  Obo  and 
Tigdapaya,1  while  in  the  region  adjoining  the  Guianga  they  have  inter- 
married with  that  people  and  have  adopted  many  of  their  customs  as 
well  as  dress.  On  the  headwaters  of  the  Basan  river  we  are  told  that 
they  are  known  as  Dugbatang  or  Dugbatung;  that  they  are  a  timid 
degenerate  branch  having  no  fixed  habitations  and  very  little  clothing; 
they  are  small,  with  crispy  hair,  and  often  decorate  their  bodies  with 
tattooed  designs.  About  twenty  miles  up  the  Tuganay  river  Governor 
Bolton  encountered  a  similar  group  of  Ata  whom  he  describes  as  being 
very  wild.  From  the  headwaters  of  this  river  he  crossed  over  near  to 
the  source  of  the  river  Bibagawan  where  he  discovered  a  hitherto  un- 
known people — the  Tugauanum — These  he  believed  were  mixed 
Malay  and  Negrito,  with  crispy  or  curly  hair  and  sharp  features. 

1  Seep.  128. 

162 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      163 

While  in  the  central  part  of  Mindanao,  on  the  headwaters  of  the 
Pulangi  river,  the  writer  saw  about  fifty  people  known  as  Tugauanum 
who  came  over  the  mountains  to  trade.  They  were  certainly  of  mixed 
ancestry,  showing  a  distinct  infusion  of  Negrito  blood,  and  in  other 
respects  conforming  to  the  description  of  Governor  Bolton.  Among 
articles  of  barter  carried  by  them  were  the  typical  knives  and  hemp 
cloth  of  the  west  side  of  'the  Davao  gulf  region,  showing  that  they  are 
at  least  in  the  line  of  trade  with  the  tribes  we  have  already  studied. 

According  to  their  own  stories,  the  original  home  of  the  tribe  was 
along  the  river  Mapula  which  flows  into  the  Tuganay  near  its  source. 
Governor  Bolton  tells  of  hearing,  while  in  this  section,  of  a  people  called 
Dedaanum  "who  were  small  and  black  and  had  curly  hair,"  but  who 
had  all  been  killed  by  the  Tugauanum.  He  was  also  informed  that  a 
numerous  tribe  of  very  small  black  people  called  Tugniah  lived  on  the 
headwaters  of  the  river  Omiern,  which  flows  north  of  the  Libagawan. 
They  were  said  to  live  in  trees,  to  plant  nothing,  and  to  subsist  on  sago 
flour.  "Their  bolos  are  like  sabers  and  they  use  lances,  bows,  and 
arrows." 

The  Governor  classes  the  Tugauanum  as  Ata  "since  they  speak  the 
same  language"  but  he  adds  "they  are  probably  the  same  race  as  the 
Libabaoan."  This  latter  people  are  elsewhere  in  his  notes  referred  to 
as  Guibabauon  or  Dibabaoan.  They  live  along  the  headwaters  of  the 
Tagum  river  and  are,  he  believes,  a  mixture  of  Ata  and  Mandaya. 

From  one  source  we  learn  that  the  Ata  are  small,  in  many  respects 
resembling  the  Negrito;  that  they  are  timid  and  are  either  nomads  or 
build  their  houses  high  in  the  branches  of  trees.  Another  writer  tells 
us  that  they  are  a  superior  type,  with  aquiline  noses,  thick  beards,  and 
are  tall.  "They  are  very  brave  and  hold  their  own  with  the  Moro." 
We  are  also  told  that  they  cultivate  the  soil  and  build  good  houses. 

The  estimates  concerning  their  numbers  are  equally  conflicting. 
Governor  Bolton  gives  the  population  as  six  thousand;  the  report  of  the 
Philippine  Commission  for  1900  credits  them  with  eight  thousand, 
while  Father  Gisbert  believed  that  they  aggregated  "not  less  than 
twenty  thousand  souls." 

The  divergent  reports  are  due  to  the  fact  that  up  to  the  year  1886 
only  one  village  of  this  people  had  been  visited,2  and  since  that  time 
only  a  few  hasty  trips  have  been  made  into  their  territory. 

1  The  writer  believes  that  the  Libabaoan  are  probably  the  same  as  the  Divavaoan 
who  are  classed  as  a  branch  of  the  Mandaya.     See  p.  165. 

-  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  pp.  242-3. 


164    Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

From  our  present  information  it  seems  probable  that  the  Ata  are 
descendants  of  an  early  invading  people  who  intermarried  first  with  the 
early  Negrito  inhabitants,  and  later  with  other  tribes  with  which  they 
came  in  contact.  They  have  been  free  borrowers  from  their  neighbors 
in  all  respects,  and  hence  we  find  them  occupying  all  the  steps  from  the 
nomad  condition  of  the  pygmy  blacks  to  the  highly  specialized  life  of 
the  Guianga. 

The  following  account  of  their  beliefs  was  extracted  from  letters 
written  by  Governor  Bolton.  He  fails  to  designate  the  section  from 
which  the  information  was  gathered,  but  its  similarity  to  Bagobo  and 
Guianga  makes  it  probable  that  the  account  comes  from  the  Ata 
dwelling  near  those  people.  Considerable  variation  will  doubtless  be 
found  in  other  districts. 

"The  greatest  of  all  the  spirits  is  Manama1  who  made  the  first  men 
from  blades  of  grass,  weaving  them  together  until  they  resembled  a 
human  form.  In  this  manner  he  made  eight  persons — male  and  female 
— who  later  became  the  ancestors  of  the  Ata  and  all  the  neighboring 
tribes.  Long  after  this  the  water  covered  the  whole  earth  and  all  the 
Ata  were  drowned  except  two  men  and  a  woman.  The  waters  carried 
them  far  away  and  they  would  have  perished  had  not  a  large  eagle 
come  to  their  aid.  This  bird  offered  to  carry  them  to  their  homes  on 
its  back.  One  man  refused,  but  the  other  two  accepted  its  help  and 
returned  to  Mapula. 

"The  other  deities  are  Mandarangan,  Malalayug,  god  of  agri- 
culture; Mabalian,  the  spirit  who  presides  over  childbirth;  Tarasyub 
and  Taratuan,  the  guardian  spirits  of  the  brass  and  iron  workers; 
Boypandi — the  spirit  who  guards  over  the  weavers." 

While  in  the  Ata  country  the  Governor  observed  certain  customs 
of  the  people.  As  his  party  approached  the  palisaded  house  of  Ma- 
dundun  they  stopped  for  twenty  minutes  to  perform  a  ceremony  called 
anting-anting.  "An  old  man  waved  his  shield  and  a  cloth,  meanwhile 
repeating  mysterious  words.  Then  each  man  was  given  a  chew  of 
betel-nut  and  was  well  rubbed  with  a  charm."  "At  Tuli  a  swarm  of 
bees  passed  over  the  house  just  as  the  party  was  ready  to  start.  This 
was  taken  as  a  sign  that  some  of  the  party  would  be  killed  by  the  arrows 
of  the  enemy,  hence  they  refused  to  go."  "Likewise,  if  the  dove 
limokan  calls  on  the  left  side  of  the  trail  the  party  will  refuse  to  proceed, 
unless  another  limokan  answers  the  call  from  the  right  side  of  the  path." 

1  See  page  106. 


VI.    MAX  DAY  A. 

("Inhabitants  of  the  Uplands"). 
Synonyms. 

(a)  Mansaka  ("Inhabitants  of  the  mountain  clearings").  This 
name  is  applied  to  those  Mandaya  who  formerly  dwelt  far  back  in  the 
mountains.  Many  of  this  division  have  recently  emigrated  to  the  coast 
and  are  now  found  at  the  north  and  east  part  of  Davao  Gulf. 

(b)  Pagsupan.  The  appellation  by  which  the  members  of  this 
tribe,  living  near  the  Tagum  and  Hijo  rivers,  are  known. 

(c)  Mangwanga  or  Mangrangan  ("Dwellers  in  the  forests"). 
A  name  by  which  are  designated  those  Mandaya  who  live  in  the  heavily 
forested  mountains  skirting  the  coast. 

(d)  Managosan  or  Magosan.  The  members  of  the  tribe  living 
on  the  headwaters  of  the  Agusan  river  bear  this  name. 

(e)  Divavaoan.  A  division  which  inhabits  a  small  district  to  the 
south  and  west  of  Compostela.  Very  little  is  known  of  this  people, 
but  from  the  information  now  at  hand  it  seems  that  they  should  be 
classed  as  a  branch  of  the  Mandaya. 

HABITAT. 

This  tribe  occupies  both  slopes  of  the  mountain  range  which  borders 
the  Pacific  ocean,  from  about  9  degrees  of  North  latitude  south  nearly 
to  Cape  San  Agustin.  Its  members  are  also  found  in  considerable 
numbers  from  the  head  of  the  Agusan  drainage  nearly  to  the  town  of 
Compostela,  and  several  settlements  of  this  people  are  to  be  found 
along  the  Hijo  and  Tagum  rivers,  while  in  recent  years  a  number  have 
established  themselves  on  the  eastern  side  of  Davao  Gulf. 

Generally  speaking,  this  whole  region  is  extremely  mountainous  and 
at  the  same  time  heavily  wooded.  It  is  only  when  the  Agusan,  Hijo, 
and  Tagum  rivers  are  approached  that  the  country  becomes  more  open. 
On  the  Pacific  coast  there  are  few  harbors,  for  the  mountains  extend 
down  almost  to  the  water's  edge  forming  high  sheer  cliffs.  Aside  from 
the  three  rivers  mentioned  the  water  courses  are,  for  the  greater  part, 
small  and  unnavigable  and  a  short  distance  back  from  the  coast  appear 
as  tiny  rivulets  at  the  bottom  of  deep  cations. 

There  is  no  organisation  of  the  tribe  as  a  whole,  since  each  district 
has  its  local  ruler  who  is  subject  to  no  other  authority.  These  divisions 
are  seldom  on  good  terms,  and  are  frequently  in  open  warfare  with  one 
another  or  with  neighboring  tribes. 

165 


166    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Despite  this'  lack  of  unity  and  the  great  area  they  inhabit,  their 
dialects  are  mutually  intelligible  and  in  other  respects  they  are  so 
similar  that  I  believe  we  are  justified  in  regarding  them  as  one  group 
linguistically,  physically,  and  culturally. 

DESCRIPTION. 

Measurements  made  on  fifteen  men  and  five  women  gave  the  fol- 
lowing results: 

Height — Men:  Maximum  161.3  cm.,  minimum  145.1  cm.,  average 
153.9  cm. 

Women:  Maximum  152.3  cm.,  minimum  144. 1  cm.,  average 
146.8  cm. 

Cephalic  index — Men :     Maximum  89. 1 ,  minimum  76.3,  average  84.6. 

Women:     Maximum  84.8,  minimum  75.2,  average  81.3. 

Length-height  index — Men:  maximum  78.7,  minimum  64.5,  average 
74.2. 

Women:     Maximum  81.8,  minimum  75.0,  average  77.4. 

From  these  figures  it  appears  that  there  is  considerable  variation 
between  individuals,  but  a  closer  study  of  the  charts  shows  that  the 
majority  of  those  measured  come  closer  to  the  averages  than  do  the 
members  of  any  other  group  here  mentioned  (Plates  LXIV-LXIX). 

Both  sexes  wear  the  hair  long  and  comb  it  to  a  knot  at  the  back  of 
the  head.  The  women  generally  bang  the  hair  over  the  forehead,  while 
the  men  allow  a  lock  to  fall  in  front  of  each  ear.  The  hair  is  brown- 
black  and  generally  slightly  wavy,  although  four  individuals  with  straight 
hair  were  seen. 

The  forehead  is  high,  and  in  about  half  the  persons  observed  some- 
what retreating;  however,  full,  vaulted  foreheads  are  by  no  means  un- 
common. The  distance  from  the  vertex  to  the  tragus  is  uniformly 
great. 

The  cheek  bones  are  quite  prominent,  while  the  whole  face  tapers 
from  above  so  as  to  be  somewhat  angular.  In  twenty  per  cent  of  the 
men  the  root  of  the  nose  seemed  to  be  continuous  with  the  supra- 
orbital ridge,  which,  in  such  cases,  was  strongly  marked.  In  general 
the  root  of  the  nose  is  broad,  low,  and  depressed,  and  there  is  a  tendency 
for  the  ridge  to  be  somewhat  concave.  The  lips  are  thick  and  bowed, 
but  there  is  little  or  no  prognathism. 

The  skin  of  the  body  is  not  tattooed  or  mutilated  in  any  other  way, 
but  the  eyebrows  are  often  shaved  to  a  thin  line,  and  the  teeth  are  filed 
and  blackened.  Filing  was  formerly  done  with  small  stones  but  im- 
ported files  are  now  used  for  this  purpose.     The  coloring  is  effected 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Coee.      167 

by  chewing  the  roots  of  the  anmon  vine  and  applying  to  the  teeth  the 
"sweat"  caught  on  a  steel  blade,  held  above  burning  bark  of  the  magawan 
tree.  This  practice  seems  to  have  no  significance  other  than  that  of 
beautifying  the  person  and  saving  the  youth  from  the  ridicule  of  his 
fellows.  To  keep  the  teeth  black,  tobacco  treated  with  lemon  juice 
which  has  stood  on  rusty  iron  is  chewed  frequently. 

Despite  constant  statements  to  the  effect  that  the  members  of  this 
tribe  are  light-colored  and  the  assertion  of  one  writer1  that  at  least  one 
division  is  white,  observations  made  with  the  V.  Iyuschan  color  table 
on  more  than  fifty  individuals  showed  that  while  certain  persons  are 
somewhat  lighter  than  their  fellows,  as  was  also  the  case  in  other  tribes, 
there  is  not  an  appreciable  difference  in  color  between  this  tribe  and  the 
others  of  the  Gulf  region. 

CLOTHING. 

The  ordinary  man  of  the  tribe  wears  a  loosely  fitting  shirt  and  wide 
trousers  made  of  white  or  blue  cotton  cloth.  (Plate  LXIX-LXX). 
These  garments  are  frequently  decorated  with  embroidered  designs 
and  are  finished  at  the  shoulders  and  knees  with  a  cotton  fringe.  The 
trousers  are  supported  at  the  waist  by  means  of  a  belt,  and  below  reach 
nearly  to  the  ankles.2  An  incised  silver  disk  is  attached  to  the  front 
of  the  jacket,  while  ornaments  of  beads,  seeds,  and  alligators'  teeth 
encircle  the  neck. 

When  on  the  trail  the  man  covers  his  head  with  a  little  palm  bark 
hat  (Fig.  47).  This  is  sometimes  conical,  but  more  frequently  is 
narrow  and  turned  up  at  the  front  and  back.  Painted  designs,  betel 
wings,  and  chicken  feathers  make  the  hat  a  striking  decoration  which 
compensates  for  its  lack  of  utility. 

A  class  of  warriors  known  as  bagam3  dress  in  red  and  wear  turbans 
of  the  same  hue,  while  women  mediums,  bally  an*  may  also  make  use 
of  red  cloth. 

Other  women  wear  blue  cotton  jackets,  in  the  fronts  and  back  of 
which  are  many  artistic  embroidered  designs.  Their  hemp  cloth 
skirts,  like  those  of  the  Bagobo,  are  made  tube-like  and  are  held  at  the 
waist  by  means  of  belts.     They  are  very   careless  about  the  hang  of 

1  Landor,  The  Gems  of  the  East.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  district  from 
which  the  white  tribe  was  reported  is  now  fairly  well  known  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
reason  to  believe  that  the  people  residing  there  differ  materially  in  color  from  the 
other  natives  of  the  island. 

2  Along  the  coast  this  type  of  garment  is  now  seldom  seen,  for  the  men  are 
adopting  the  close-fitting  dress  of  the  Moro. 

3  See  p.  180. 

4  See  p.  174. 


1 68     Field  Museum  op  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


Fig.  47. 
men's   Hats. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      169 


FIG.    48 
WOMAN'S    COMB. 


these  garments  and  one  side 
may  be  above  the  calf  of  the 
leg  while  the  other  drags  on 
the  ground  (Plate  LXVII). 
No  head  coverings  are  worn, 
but  quite  elaborate  combs 
Pig.  4  s-1  are  thrust  into  the 
knots  of  hair  at  the  back  of 
the  head.  Wooden  ear  plugs 
(Fig.  49)  ornamented  with  in- 
cised  silver    plates    and   with 

bead  and  silver  pendants  fit  into  openings  in  the  lobes  of  the  ears.     Like 

the  men  they  wear  necklaces  of  beads,  sweet  smelling  herbs,  and  seeds. 

Many  of  the  latter  are  considered  to  have  medicinal 

value  and  are  eaten  to  cure  pains  in  the  stomach.         lAiO 

One  or  more  silver  disks  are  worn  on  the  chest  or  over 

the  breasts,  while  anklets,  such  as  are  used  by  the 

women   of  the   other    tribes,   are   frequently  seen. 

Both  sexes  are  fond  of  bracelets  of  brass,  shell,  or 

vines,  as  well  as  of  finger  rings  of  tortoise  shell  and 

silver  (Plate  LXXI). 

None  of  the  garments   contain  pockets,  and  in 

order  to  make  up  for  this  deficiency  the  men  carry 

bags   (Plate   LXX)   suspended   on   their  backs  by 

means  of  bands  which  pass  over  the  shoulders.     In 

these    they    carry  their  betel-nut  outfits,  tobacco, 

and  the  like.     Small    covered    waterproof  baskets 

(Plate  LXVIII)    serve  the    same  purpose    for  the 

women  and  are  carried  at  the  back  or  at  the  side. 

HISTORY. 

Probably  no  wild  tribe  in  Mindanao  has  received 
so  much  mention  in  histories,  reports,  and  books  of 
travel  as  have  the  Mandaya,  but  these  references 
have  been,  in  the  main,  so  vague  and  often  so  mis- 
leading that  they  are  of  little  value  for  our  pur- 
poses. Quite  in  contrast  with  this  mass  of  ma- 
terial are  the  excellent  reports  of  the  late  Governor 
Bolton,  and  Mr.  Melbourne  A.  Maxey,1  who  for  a 
number  of  years  has  been  closely  associated   with 

1  Published  in  the  Mindanao  Herald.  Bell  Pendants. 


170    Field  Museum  oe  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Voe.  XII. 

the  members  of  the  tribe  residing  in  the  vicinity  of  Cateel.  In  the 
preparation  of  this  paper  frequent  use  has  been  made  of  the  notes 
gathered  by  these  two  gentlemen. 

When  the  first  white  men  visited  the  tribe  they  found  that  the 
'  neighboring  Moro  were  making  frequent  raids  on  their  villages  and 
were  carrying  away  women  and  children  whom  they  sold  to  the  Bagobo 
and  other  tribes  of  the  Gulf.1     At  the  same  time  it  was  learned  that 
they,  in  turn,  were  slave  holders  and  were  eager  to  purchase  captives 
from  the  Mohammedan  raiders.     The  great  distances  traveled  by  the 
Moro  in  their  raids  make  it  possible  that  slaves  from  distant  islands 
may  thus  have  been  introduced  into  the  tribe.     Later  we  shall  see  that 
it  was  difficult  for  a  slave  or  a  descendant  of  a  slave  to  become  a  freeman, 
yet  it  was  by  no  means  impossible,  and  it  is  likely  that  a  considerable 
part  of  the  tribe  are  descendants  of  people  brought  to  the  district 
through  purchase  and  capture.     Another  possible  source  of  outside 
blood  is  suggested  by  well  verified  stories  of  castaways  on  the  east  coast 
of  Mindanao  and  adjacent  islands.2     While  working  with  the  Mandaya 
in  the  region  of  Mayo  bay  the  writer  was  frequently  told  that  three 
times,  in  the  memory  of  the  present  inhabitants,  strange  boats  filled 
with  strange  people  had  been  driven  to  their  coasts  by  storms.     The 
informants  insisted  that  these  newcomers  were  not  put  to  death  but 
that  such  of  them  as  survived  were  taken  into  the  tribe.     These  stories 
are  given  strong  substantiation  by  the  fact  that  only  a  few  months 
prior  to  my  visit  a  boat  load  of  people  from  the  Carolines  was  driven 
to  the  shores  of  Mayo  bay  and  that  their  boat,  as  well  as  one  survivor, 
was  then  at  the  village  of  Mati.  (Plate  LXXII).     I    am   indebted  to 
Mr.  Henry  Hubbel  for  the  following  explicit  account  of  these  castaways : 
"One  native  banca  of  castaways  arrived  at  Lucatan,  N.  E.  corner  of 
Mayo  Bay,  Mindanao,   on  January  2nd,    1909.     The  banca  left  the 
Island  of  Uluthi  for  the  Island  of  Yap,  two  days'  journey,  on  December 
10th,   1908.     They  were  blown  out  of  their  course  and  never  sighted 
land  until  January  2nd,   twenty-two  days  after  setting  sail.     There 
were  nine  persons  aboard,  six  men,  two  boys,  and  one  woman,    all 
natives  of  Yap  except  one  man  who  was  a  Visayan  from  Capiz,  Panay, 
P.  I.,  who  settled  on  the  Island  of  Yap  in  1889.     These  people  were 
nineteen  days  without  food  or  water  except  what  water  could  be  caught 
during  rain  storms.     The  Visayan,  Victor  Valenamo,  died  soon  after 

1  Blair  and  Robertson.     The  Philippine  Islands,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  203. 

2  Foreman.     The  Philippine  Islands,  pp.  257-9. 
Jagor.     Travels  in  the  Philippines.  Ch.  XX. 


September,   19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      171 

his  arrival,  as  a  result  of  starvation.  The  natives  recovered  at  once 
and  all  traces  of  their  starvation  disappeared  within  two  weeks.  The 
men  were  powerfully  built,  nearly  six  feet  high.  Their  bodies  were  all 
covered  with  tattoo  work.  The  woman  was  decorated  even  more  than 
the  men.  Fever  soon  took  hold  of  these  castaways  and  in  a  year's 
time  all  died  except  one  small  boy  who  seems  to  have  become  accli- 
mated and  will  become  identified  with  the  natives  in  Mati.  I  took  care 
of  these  people  until  they  died. 

"The  clothing  worn  by  the  men  and  woman  was  nothing  but  the 
'lavalava,'  a  scarf  of  sea-grass  fiber  about  18  inches  wide  and  five  feet 
long.     This  was  worn  around  the  loins. 

"The  banca,  which  was  of  very  curious  construction,  was  taken  to 
Zamboanga  last  year  by  General  Pershing,  to  be  placed  in  Moro 
Province  Museum." 

After  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards  into  their  territory  a  considerable 
number  of  this  people  were  converted  to  the  Christian  faith  and  were 
induced  to  settle  in  villages.  There  they  met  and  intermarried  with 
Visayan  and  other  emigrants  who  had  followed  the  Spaniards  to  the 
South.  During  the  time  of  the  Spanish  rule  these  settlements  were 
partially  destroyed  by  Moro  raiders,  and  following  the  Spanish-American 
war  these  attacks  became  so  frequent  that  many  of  the  inhabitants 
deserted  their  homes  and  returning  to  their  mountain  kinsmen  again 
took  up  the  old  life.  The  effect  of  this  return  is  especially  noticeable 
in  the  vicinity  of  Caraga  where  as  late  as  1885  there  were  596  Mandaya 
converts. 

Several  attempts  were  also  made  to  colonize  the  Mandaya  near  the 
mouths  of  the  Tagum  and  Hijo  rivers,  but  the  restlessness  of  the  natives 
or  the  hostility  of  the  Moro  was  always  sufficient  to  cause  the  early 
break  up  of  the  new  settlements. 

The  last  great  influence  on  this  tribe  has  come  through  American 
planters  who  have  prevailed  upon  the  more  venturesome  members  to 
come  down  to  the  coast  plantations  and  there  adopt  the  life  of  the 
Christianized  natives.  Many  of  these  adventurers  have  returned  to 
their  mountain  homes,  carrying  with  them  new  ideas  and  artifacts  and, 
in  some  cases,  wives  from  other  tribes.  With  all  these  influences  at 
work  there  has  been  considerable  modification  of  the  life  in  many 
districts,  particularly  along  the  Pacific  coast.  This  description  will 
attempt  to  give  the  old  life  of  the  tribe  as  it  still  exists  in  the  more 
isolated  districts,  or  as  it  was  related  by  older  people  of  the  coast  settle- 
ments. 


172    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

MYTHOLOGY   AND    RELIGION. 

In  order  to  enter  into  a  full  understanding  of  the  social,  economic, 
and  aesthetic  life  we  must  have  some  knowledge  of  the  mythology  and 
religious  beliefs,  for  these  pervade  every  activity. 

Several  stories  accounting  for  natural  phenomena  and  the  origin 
of  the  tribe  were  heard.  One  of  these  relates  that  the  sun  and  moon 
were  married  and  lived  happily  together  until  many  children  had  been 
born  to  them.  At  last  they  quarreled  and  the  moon  ran  away  from 
her  husband  who  has  since  been  pursuing  her  through  the  heavens. 
After  the  separation  of  their  parents  the  children  died,  and  the  moon 
gathering  up  their  bodies  cut  them  into  small  pieces  and  threw  them 
into  space.  Those  fragments  which  fell  into  water  became  fish,  those 
which  fell  on  land  were  converted  into  snakes  and  animals,  while  "those 
which  fell  upward"  remained  in  the  sky  as  stars. 

A  somewhat  different  version  of  this  tale  agrees  that  the  quarrel 
and  subsequent  chase  occurred,  but  denies  that  the  children  died  and 
were  cut  up.  It  states  that  it  is  true  that  the  offspring  were  animals, 
but  they  were  so  from  the  time  of  their  birth.  One  of  these  children 
is  a  giant  crab  named  iambanokaua  who  lives  in  the  sea.  When  he 
moves  about  he  causes  the  tides  and  high  waves;  when  he  opens  his 
eyes  lightning  appears.  For  some  unknown  reason  this  animal  fre- 
quently seeks  to  devour  his  mother,  the  moon,  and  when  he  nearly 
succeeds  an  eclipse  occurs.  At  such  a  time  the  people  shout,  beat 
on  gongs,  and  in  other  ways  try  to  frighten  the  monster  so  that  he  can 
not  accomplish  his  purpose.1  The  phases  of  the  moon  are  caused  by  her 
putting  on  or  taking  off  her  garments.  When  the  moon  is  full  she  is 
thought  to  be  entirely  naked. 

According  to  this  tale  the  stars  had  quite  a  different  origin  than  that 
just  related.  "In  the  beginning  of  things  there  was  only  one  great  star, 
who  was  like  a  man  in  appearance.  He  sought  to  usurp  the  place  of 
of  the  sun  and  the  result  was  a  conflict  in  which  the  latter  was  vic- 
torious. He  cut  his  rival  into  small  bits  and  scattered  him  over  the 
whole  sky  as  a  woman  sows  rice." 

The  earth  was  once  entirely  flat  but  was  pressed  up  into  mountains 
by  a  mythical  woman,  Agusanan.  It  has  always  rested  on  the  back  of 
a  great  eel  whose  movements  cause  earthquakes.  Sometimes  crabs 
or  other  small  animals  annoy  him  until,  in  his  rage,  he  attempts  to 
reach  them,  then  the  earth  is  shaken  so  violently  that  whole  mountains 
are  thrown  into  the  sea. 

1  The  writer  found  almost  identical  beliefs  and  practices  among  the  Batak  and 
Tagbanua  of  Palawan. 


September,  19 13.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     173 

A  great  lake  exists  in  the  sky  and  it  is  the  spray  from  its  waves  which 
fall  to  the  earth  as  rain.  When  angered  the  spirits  sometimes  break 
the  banks  of  this  lake  and  allow  torrents  of  water  to  fall  on  the  earth 
below. 

According  to  Mr.  Maxey,  the  Mandaya  of  Cateel  believe  that  many 
generations  ago  a  great  flood  occurred  which  caused  the  death  of  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  world  except  one  pregnant  woman.  She  prayed 
that  her  child  might  be  a  boy.  Her  prayer  was  answered  and  she 
gave  birth  to  a  son  whose  name  was  Uacatan.  He,  when  he  had  grown 
up,  took  his  mother  for  his  wife  and  from  this  union  have  sprung  all  the 
Mandaya. 

Quite  a  different  account  is  current  among  the  people  of  Mayo. 
From  them  we  learn  that  formerly  the  Mmokon,1  although  a  bird,  could 
talk  like  a  man.  At  one  time  it  laid  two  eggs,  one  at  the  mouth  and 
one  at  the  source  of  the  Mayo  river.  These  hatched  and  from  the  one 
at  the  headwaters  of  the  river  came  a  woman  named  Mag,2  while  a 
man  named  BEgenday"  emerged  from  the  one  near  the  sea.  For 
many  years  the  man  dwelt  alone  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  but  one  day, 
being  lonely  and  dissatisfied  with  his  location,  he  started  to  cross  the 
stream.  While  he  was  in  deep  water  a  long  hair  was  swept  against  his 
legs  and  held  him  so  tightly  that  he  narrowly  escaped  drowning.  When 
he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore  he  examined  the  hair  and  at  once 
determined  to  find  its  owner.  After  wandering  many  days  he  met  the 
woman  and  induced  her  to  be  his  wife.  From  this  union  came  all  the 
Mandaya. 

A  variant  of  this  tale  says  that  both  eggs  were  laid  up  stream  and 
that  one  hatched  a  woman,  the  other  a  snake.  The  snake  went  down 
the  current  until  it  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  sea  and  the  river 
meet.  There  it  blew  up  and  a  man  emerged  from  its  carcass.  The 
balance  of  the  tale  is  as  just  related.  This  close  relationship  of  the 
limokon  to  the  Mandaya  is  given  as  the  reason  why  its  calls  are  given 
such  heed.  A  traveler  on  the  trail  hearing  the  cooing  of  this  bird  at 
once  doubles  his  fist  and  points  it  in  the  direction  from  whence  the 
sound  came.  If  this  causes  the  hand  to  point  to  the  right  side  it  is  a 
sign  that  success  will  attend  the  journey.3  If,  however,  it  points  to 
the  left,  in  front.,  or  in  back,  the  Mandaya  knows  that  the  omen  bird 
is  warning  him  of  danger  or  failure,  and  he  delays  or  gives  up  his  mission. 
The  writer  was  once  watching  some  Mandaya  as  they  were  clearing  a 

1  See  p.  63  note. 

2  Also  known  as  Manway  and  Samay. 

3  Maxey  states  exactly  the  opposite,  for  the  Mandaya  of  Cateel,  i.  e.,  the  right 
side  is  bad,  the  left  good. 


174    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

piece  of  land,  preparatory  to  the  planting.  They  had  labored  about 
two  hours  when  the  call  of  the  limokon  was  heard  to  the  left  of  the 
owner.  Without  hesitation  the  men  gathered  up  their  tools  and  left 
the  plot,  explaining  that  it  was  useless  for  them  to  plant  there  for  the 
limokon  had  warned  them  that  rats  would  eat  any  crop  they  might  try 
to  grow  in  that  spot. 

The  people  do  not  make  offerings  to  this  bird,  neither  do  they  regard 
it  as  a  spirit,  but  rather  as  a  messenger  from  the  spirit  world.  The  old 
men  were  certain  that  anyone  who  molested  one  of  these  birds  would 
die. 

Another  bird  known  as  wak-wak  "which  looks  like  a  crow  but  is 
larger  and  only  calls  at  night"  foretells  ill-fortune.  Sneezing  is  also 
a  bad  omen,  particularly  if  it  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  an  undertaking. 
Certain  words,  accompanied  by  small  offerings,  may  be  sufficient  to 
overcome  the  dangers  foretold  by  these  warnings.  It  is  also  possible 
to  thwart  the  designs  of  ill-disposed  spirits  or  human  enemies  by  wearing 
a  sash  or  charm  which  contains  bits  of  fungus  growth,  peculiarly  shaped 
stones,  or  the  root  of  a  plant  called  gam.  These  charms  not  only  ward 
off  ill-fortune  and  sickness,  but  give  positive  aid  in  battle  and  keep  the 
dogs  on  the  trail  of  the  game.1 

There  is  in  each  community  one  or  more  persons,  generally  women, 
who  are  known  as  holly  an.  These  piiestesses,  or  mediums,  are  versed 
in  all  the  ceremonies  and  dances  which  the  ancestors  have  found  effectual 
in  overcoming  evil  influences,  and  in  retaining  the  favor  of  the  spirits. 
They,  better  than  all  others,  understand  the  omens,  and  often  through 
them  the  higher  beings  make  known  their  desires.  So  far  as  could 
be  learned  the  ballyan  is  not  at  any  time  possessed,  but  when  in  a  trance 
sees  and  converses  with  the  most  powerful  spirits  as  well  as  with  the 
shades  of  the  departed.  This  power  to  communicate  with  super- 
natural beings  and  to  control  the  forces  of  nature,  is  not  voluntarily 
sought  by  the  future  ballyan,  but  comes  to  the  candidate  either  through 
one  already  occupying  such  a  position  or  by  her  being  unexpectedly 
seized  with  a  fainting  or  trembling  fit,  in  which  condition  she  finds 
that  she  is  able  to  communicate  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  spirit 
world.  Having  been  thus  chosen  she  at  once  becomes  the  pupil  of 
some  experienced  ballyan  from  whom  she  learns  all  the  secrets  of  the 
profession  and  the  details  of  ceremonies  to  be  made. 

At  the  time  of  planting  or  reaping,  at  a  birth  or  death,  when  a 
great  celebration  is  held,  or  when  the  spirits  are  to  be  invoked  for  the 

1  The  use  of  these  magic  sashes,  known  as  anling-anting.  is  widespread  throughout 
the  southern  Philippines  both  with  the  pagan  and  Mohammedan  tribes. 


September,   19 13.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      175 

cure  of  the  sick,  one  or  more  of  these  women  take  charge  of  the  cere- 
monies and  for  the  time  being  are  the  religious  heads  of  the  community. 
At  such  a  time  the  ball  van  wears  a  blood -red  waist,1  but  on  other 
occasions  her  dress  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  other  women,  and  her  life 
does  not  differ  from  their 's  in  any  respect. 

When  about  to  converse  with  the  spirits  the  ballyan  places  an  offering 
before  her  and  begins  to  chant  and  wail.  A  distant  stare  comes  into 
her  eyes,  her  body  begins  to  twitch  convulsively  until  she  is  shivering 
and  trembling  as  if  seized  with  the  ague.  In  this  condition  she  receives 
the  messages  of  the  spirits  and  under  their  direction  conducts  the 
ceremony. 

Rosell  gives  the  following  description  of  the  possession  of  a  ballyan.2 
Nothing  of  this  nature  was  seen  by  the  writer. 

"They  erect  a  sort  of  small  altar  on  which  they  place  the  manaugs 
or  images  of  the  said  gods  which  are  made  of  the  special  wood  of  the 
bayog  tree,  which  they  destine  exclusively  for  this  use.  When  the 
unfortunate  hog  which  is  to  serve  as  a  sacrifice  is  placed  above  the  said 
altar,  the  chief  bailana  approaches  with  balarao  or  dagger  in  hand 
which  she  brandishes  and  drives  into  the  poor  animal,  which  will  surely 
be  grunting  in  spite  of  the  gods  and  the  religious  solemnity,  as  it  is 
fearful  of  what  is  going  to  happen  to  it;  and  leaves  the  victim  weltering 
in  its  blood.  Then  immediately  all  the  bailanas  drink  of  the  blood  in 
order  to  attract  the  prophetic  spirit  to  themselves  and  to  give  their 
auguries  or  the  supposed  inspirations  of  their  gods.  Scarcely  have 
they  drunk  the  blood,  when  they  become  as  though  possessed  by  an 
infernal  spirit  which  agitates  them  and  makes  them  tremble  as  does 
the  body  of  a  person  with  the  ague  or  like  one  who  shivers  with  the 
cold." 

SPIRITS. 

The  following  spirits  are  known  to  the  ballyan  of  the  Mayo  district : 
1.  Diwata.  A  good  spirit  who  is  besought  for  aid  against  the 
machinations  of  evil  beings.  The  people  of  Mayo  claim  that  they  do 
not  now,  nor  have  they  at  any  time  made  images  of  their  gods,  but  in 
the  vicinity  of  Cateel  Maxey  has  seen  wooden  images  called  manaog, 
which  were  said  to  represent  Diwata  on  earth.  According  to  his  account 
"the  ballyan  dances  for  three  consecutive  nights  before  the  manaog, 
invoking  his  aid  and  also  holding  conversation  with  the  spirits.  This 
is  invariably  done  while  the  others  are  asleep."     He  further  states  that 

1  Pedro  Rosell,  writing  in  1885,  says  that  the  ballyan  then  dressed  entirely  in 
red.     Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  217. 

2  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  218. 


176     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Axtil,  Vol.  XII. 

with  the  aid  of  Dtwata  the  ballyan  is  able  to  foretell  the  future  by  the 
reading  of  palms.  "If  she  should  fail  to  read  the  future  the  first  time, 
she  dances  for  one  night  before  the  manaog  and  the  following  day  is 
able  to  read  it  clearly,  the  Dtwata  having  revealed  the  hidden  meaning 
to  her  during  the  night  conference."1 

Spanish  writers  make  frequent  mention  of  these  idols,2  and  in  his 
reports3  Governor  Bolton  describes  the  image  of  a  crocodile  seen  by 
him  in  the  Mandaya  country  "which  was  carved  of  wood  and  painted 
black,  was  five  feet  long,  and  lifedike.  The  people  said  it  was  the 
likeness  of  their  god."  Lieutenant  J.  R.  Youngblood,  when  near  the 
headwaters  of  the  Agusan  River,  saw  in  front  of  a  chief's  house  "a 
rude  wooden  image  of  a  man  which  seemed  to  be  treated  with  some 
religious  awe  and  respect."  Mr.  Robert  F.  Black,  a  missionary  residing 
in  Davao,  writes  that  "the  Mandaya  have  in  their  homes  wooden  dolls 
wmieh  may  be  idols." 

From  this  testimony  it  appears  that  in  a  part  of  the  Mandaya 
territory  the  spirit  Diwata,  at  least,  is  represented  by  images. 

2.  Asuang.  This  name  is  applied  to  a  class  of  malevolent  spirits 
who  inhabit  certain  trees,  cliffs  and  streams.  They  delight  to  trouble  or 
injure  the  living,  and  sickness  is  usually  caused  by  them.  For  this 
reason,  when  a  person  falls  ill,  a  ballyan  offers  a  live  chicken  to  these 
spirits  bidding  them  "to  take  and  kill  this  chicken  in  place  of  this  man, 
so  that  he  need  not  die."  If  the  patient  recovers  it  is  understood  that 
the  asuang  have  agreed  to  the  exchange  and  the  bird  is  released  in  the 
jungle. 

There  are  many  spirits  who  are  known  as  asuang  but  the  five  most 
powerful  are  here  given  according  to  their  rank,  (a)  Tagbanua,  (b) 
Tagamaling,  (c)  Sigbinan,  (d)  Lumaman,  (e)  Bigwa.  The  first  two 
are  of  equal  importance  and  are  only  a  little  less  powerful  than  Diwata. 
They  sometimes  inhabit  caves  but  generally  reside  in  the  bud-bud 
(baliti)  trees.  The  ground  beneath  these  trees  is  generally  free  from 
undergrowth  and  thus  it  is  known  that  "a  spirit  who  keeps  his  yard 
clean  resides  there."  In  clearing  ground  for  a  new  field  it  sometimes 
becomes  necessary  to  cut  down  one  of  these  trees,  but  before  it  is 
disturbed  an  offering  of  betel-nut,  food,  and  a  white  chicken  is  carried 
to  the  plot.     The  throat  of  the  fowl  is  cut  and  its  blood  is  allowed  to 

1  In  the  Mayo  district  palmistry  is  practiced  by  several  old  people  who  make 
no  claim  of  having  the  aid  of  the  spirits.  Bagani  Paglambayon  read  the  palms  of 
the  writer  and  one  of  his  assistants,  but  all  his  predictions  were  of  an  exceedingly 
general  nature  and  on  the  safe  side. 

2  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XII,  269,  XLIII,  p.  217,  etc. 

3  Filed  in  the  office  of  the  Governor  of  Davao. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     177 

fall  in  the  roots  of  the  tree.  Meanwhile  one  of  the  older  men  calls 
the  attention  of  the  spirits  to  the  offerings  and  begs  that  they  be  accepted 
in  payment  for  the  dwelling  which  they  are  about  to  destroy.  This 
food  is  never  eaten,  as  is  customary  with  offerings  made  to  other  spirits. 
After  a  lapse  of  two  or  three  days  it  is  thought  that  the  occupant  of 
the  tree  has  had  time  to  move  and  the  plot  is  cleared. 

In  former  times  it  was  the  custom  for  a  victorious  war  party  to  place 
the  corpses  of  their  dead,  together  with  their  weapons,  at  the  roots  of 
a  balitl  tree.     The  reason  for  this  custom  stems  now  to  be  lost. 

3.  Busau.  Among  the  Mandaya  at  the  north  end  of  Davao  Gulf 
this  spirit  is  also  known  as  Tuglinsau,  Tagbusau,  or  Mandangum.  He 
looks  after  the  welfare  of  the  bagani,  or  warriors,  and  is  in  many  respects 
similar  to  Mandarangan  of  the  Bagobo.1  He  is  described  as  a  gigantic 
man  who  always  shows  his  teeth  and  is  otherwise  of  ferocious  aspect. 
A  warrior  seeing  him  is  at  once  filled  with  a  desire  to  kill.  By  making 
occasional  offerings  of  pigs  and  rice  it  is  usually  possible  to  keep  him 
from  doing  injury  to  a  settlement,  but  at  times  these  gifts  fail  of  their 
purpose  and  many  people  are  slain  by  those  who  serve  him. 

4.  Omayan,  or  kalaloa  nang  omay,  is  the  spirit  of  the  rice.  He 
resides  in  the  rice  fields,  and  there  offerings  are  made  to  him  before  the 
time  of  planting  and  reaping. 

5.  MuntIanak  is  the  spirit  of  a  child  whose  mother  died  while  preg- 
nant, and  who  for  this  reason  was  born  in  the  ground.  It  wanders 
through  the  forest  frightening  people  but  seldom  assailing  them.2 

6.  Magbabaya.  Some  informants  stated  that  this  is  the  name 
given  to  the  first  man  and  woman,  who  emerged  from  the  limokon 
eggs.  They  are  now  true  spirits  who  exercise  considerable  influence 
over  worldly  affairs.  Other  informants,  including  two  ballyan  denied 
any  knowledge  of  such  spirits,  while  still  others  said  magbabaya  is  a 
single  spirit  who  was  made  known  to  them  at  the  time  of  the  Tiii 
movement.-5  Among  the  Bukidnon  who  inhabit  the  central  portion 
of  the  island  the  magbabaya  are  the  most  powerful  of  all  spirits. 

7.  Kalalfa  Each  person  has  one  spirit  which  is  known  by  this 
name.  If  this  kalalda  leaves  the  body  it  decays,  but  the  spirit  goes  to 
Dagkotanan— "a  good  place,  probably  in  the  sky."  Such  a  spirit 
can  return  to  its  former  haunts  for  a  time  and  may  aid  or  injure  the 
living,  but  it  never  returns  to  dwell  in  anv  other  form. 


*»> 


1  p.  106. 

2  The  belief  in  a  similar  spirit  known  as  Mantianak  is  widespread  throughout  the 
southern  Philippines. 

3  P-  179- 


i;s     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

In  addition  to  those  just  mentioned  Governor  Bolton  gives  the 
following  list  of  spirits  known  to  the  Mandaya  of  the  Tagum  river 
valley.  None  of  these  were  accepted  by  the  people  of  Mayo  district. 
According  to  rank  they  are  Mangkokiman,  Mongungyahn,  Mibucha 
Andepit,  Mibuohn,  and  Ebu — who  made  all  people  from  the  hairs 
of  his  head. 

For  the  neighboring  Mangwanga  he  gives,  Likedanum  as  the  creator 
and  chief  spirit,  Dagpudanum  and  Macguliput  as  gods  of  agriculture, 
and  Manamoan — a  female  spirit  who  works  the  soil  and  presides  over 
childbirth.  All  of  these  are  unknown  to  the  Mandaya  of  the  Pacific 
coast. 

While  in  the  Salug  river  valley  Governor  Bolton  witnessed  a  most 
interesting  ceremony  which,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware,  is  quite 
unknown  to  the  balance  of  the  tribe.  His  quotation  follows:  "One 
religious  dance  contained  a  sleight  of  hand  performance,  considered 
by  the  people  as  a  miracle,  but  the  chiefs  were  evidently  initiated  A 
man  dressed  himself  as  a  woman,  and  with  the  gongs  and  drums  beaten 
rapidly  he  danced,  whirling  round  and  round  upon  a  mat  until  weak 
and  dizzy,  so  that  he  had  to  lean  on  a  post.  For  a  time  he  appeared 
to  be  in  a  trance.  After  resting  a  few  minutes  he  stalked  majestically 
around  the  edge  of  the  mat,  exaggerating  the  lifting  and  placing  of 
his  feet  and  putting  on  an  arrogant  manner.  After  walking  a  minute 
or  two  he  picked  up  a  red  handkerchief,  doubled  it  in  his  hand  so  that 
the  middle  of  the  kerchief  projected  in  a  bunch  above  his  thumb  and 
forefinger;  then  he  thrust  this  into  the  flame  of  an  almaciga  torch. 
The  music  started  anew  and  he  resumed  his  frantic  dance  until  the  flame 
reached  his  hand  when  he  slapped  it  out  with  his  left  hand,  and  stopped 
dancing;  then  catching  the  kerchief  by  two  corners  he  shook  it  out 
showing  it  untouched  by  fire.  The  daughter  of  Bankiaoan  next  went 
into  a  trance  lying  down  and  singing  the  message  of  Tagbusau  and 
other  gods  to  the  assemblage.  The  singing  was  done  in  a  small  inclosed 
room,  the  singer  slipping  in  and  out  without  my  seeing  her." 

The  letters  of  Pedro  Rosell  written  at  Caraga  in  1885  contain  many 
references  to  the  duties  of  the  ballyan.  In  one  account  he  records  the 
following  song  which  he  says  is  sung  by  the  priestesses  when  they 
invoke  their  gods  Mansilatan  and  Badla.1 

"Miminsad,  miminsad  si  Mansilatan 
Opod  si  Badla  nga  magadayao  nang  dumia 
Bailan,  managiinsayao, 
Bailan,  managunliguiL" 

1  Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  XLIII,  pp.  217-21,  and  Vol.  XII,  p.  270 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      179 

This  means: 

"Mansilatan  has  come  down,  has  come  down. 
Later  (will  come)  Badla,  who  will  preserve  the  earth. 
Bailanas,  dance;  bailanas,  turn  ye  round  about." 

This  Rosell  takes  as  "a  confirmation  of  the  most  transcendental 
questions  of  our  true  religion,"  for  in  Mansilatan  he  finds  the  principal 
god  and  father  of  Balda,  "who  descended  from  the  heavens  where  he 
dwells,  in  order  to  create  the  world.  Afterwards  his  only  son  Badla 
came  down  also  to  preserve  and  protect  the  world — that  is  men  and 
things — against  the  povver  and  trickery  of  the  evil  spirits  Pudaugnon 
and  Malimbung."  The  writer  made  persistent  inquiry  among  the 
Mandaya  to  the  south  of  Caraga,  but  could  not  find  a  trace  of  a  belief 
in  any  one  of  the  four  spirits  named ;  neither  are  these  spirits  mentioned 
in  the  notes  of  Governor  Bolton,  nor  in  the  excellent  description  of  the 
people  about  Cateel,  furnished  by  such  a  careful  observer  as  Mr.  Maxey. 
It  seems  that  this  account,  together  with  the  song  and  its  translation, 
must  have  been  gathered  from  other  than  Mandayan  sources.  Long 
before  1885  the  town  of  Caraga  had  become  one  of  the  strongholds  of 
the  church  on  the  east  coast  of  Mindanao,  and  Christianized  settlers 
from  all  the  southern  islands  had  come  to  the  vicinity.1  It  is  probable 
that  Rosell's  information  was  secured  from  Christianized  or  Moro 
emigrants,  and  the  first  spirits  named  refer  to  Badhala — Bathala,  or 
Batala — "the  all  powerful,"  and  Dian  Mansalanta — "the  patron  of 
lovers  and  generation."2 

THE   TUNGUD    MOVEMENT 

In  1908  a  religious  movement  known  as  tungud  started  among  the 
Manobo3  at  the  source  of  the  Bio  Libaganon.  Soon  it  had  spread  over 
practically  the  whole  southeastern  portion  of  Mindanao,  and  finally 
reached  the  Mandaya  of  the  Pacific  Coast.  According  to  Mr.  J.  M. 
Garvan,  of  the  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science,  the  movement  was 
instigated  by  a  Manobo  named  Mapakla.  This  man  was  taken  ill, 
probably  with  cholera,  and  was  left  for  dead  by  his  kinsmen.  Three 
days  later  he  appeared  among  the  terrified  people  and  explained,  that 
a  powerful  spirit  named  Magbabaya  had  entered  his  body  and  cured 
him.     He  further  stated  that  the  world  was  about  to  be  destroyed 

1  They  are  often  referred  to  as  Caracas  in  the  early  writings. 

-  Further  information  regarding  these  spirits  will  he  found  in  the  Relations  of 
Loarca,  1582  (Blair  and  Robertson,  Vol.  V,  p.  171),  and  the  Relation  of  Juan  de 
Plasencia,  15S9  (ibid,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  189-96,  Vol.  XII,  p.  265).  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  the  Bagobo  spirit  Toglai,  who  is  one  of  the  pair  responsible  for  marriages  and 
births,  is  sometimes  addressed  as  Maniladan. 

3  Not  the  Kulaman. 


i8o     Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Voe.  XII. 

and  that  only  those  persons  who  gave  heed  to  liis  instructions  would 
survive.  These  instructions  bade  all  to  cease  planting  and  to  kill 
theii  animals  for,  he  said,  "if  they  survive  to  the  end  they  will  eat  you." 
A  religious  house  or  shrine  was  to  he  built  in  every  settlement,  and 
was  to  be  looked  after  by  divinely  appointed  ministers.  Those  persons 
who  were  at  first  inclined  to  be  skeptical  as  to  the  truth  of  the  message, 
were  soon  convinced  by  seeing  the  Magbabaya  enter  the  bodies  of 
the  ministers,  causing  them  to  perform  new,  frantic  dances,  interrupted 
only  by  trembling  fits  during  which  their  eyes  protruded  and  gave 
them  the  semblance  of  dead  men. 

By  the  time  the  tungud  had  reached  the  Mayo  district  it  had  lost 
most  of  its  striking  features,  but  was  still  powerful  enough  to  cause 
many  of  the  Mandaya  to  kill  their  animals  and  hold  religious  dances 
The  coast  Moro,  who  at  that  time  were  restless,  took  advantage  of 
the  movement  to  further  a  plan  to  drive  American  planters  and 
Christianized  natives  from  the  district.  The  leading  Mandaya  were 
invited  to  the  house  of  the  Moro  pandita1  "to  see  the  spirit  Diwata  " 
During  several  nights  the  son  of  the  pandUa  impersonated  the  spirit 
and  appeared  in  the  darkened  room.  Over  his  chest  and  forehead  he 
had  stretched  thin  gauze  and  beneath  this  had  placed  many  fire-flies, 
which  to  the  imaginative  people  made  him  appear  superhuman.  His 
entrance  into  the  room  was  attended  by  a  vigorous  shaking  of  the 
house,  caused  by  a  younger  brother  stationed  below.  A  weird  dance 
followed  and  then  the  spirit  advised  the  people  to  rise  and  wipe  out 
the  whole  Christianized  population.  The  Mandaya  had  become  so 
impressed  by  the  nightly  appearance  of  Diwata  that  it  is  more  than 
probable  they  would  have  joined  the  Moro  in  their  project  had  not  an 
American  planter  at  Mayo  learned  of  the  plot.  He  imprisoned  the 
leaders,  thus  ending  a  scheme  which,  if  successful,  would  have  given 
new  attributes  to  at  least  one  of  the  spirits. 

SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 

The  before-mentioned  ballyan  direct  the  religious  observances  of 
the  tribe.  Their  mysterious  powers  give  them  great  influence  among 
their  fellows  but,  nevertheless,  they  are  subservient  to  the  local  ruler. 

The  tribe  is  divided  into  many  small  groups,  each  of  which  is 
governed  by  a  bagani.  To  reach  this  coveted  position  a  man  must  have 
distinguished  himself  as  a  warrior  and  have  killed  at  least  ten  persons 

1  The  religious  head  of  the  settlement. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     181 

with  his  own  hand.1  The  victims  need  not  be  killed  in  warfare  and  may 
be  of  any  sex  or  age  so  long  as  they  come  from  a  hostile  village.  When 
the  required  number  of  lives  has  been  taken,  the  aspirant  appeals  to 
the  neighboring  bagani  for  the  right  to  be  numbered  in  their  select 
company.  They  will  assemble  to  partake  of  a  feast  prepared  by  the 
candidate  and  then  solemnly  discuss  the  merits  of  his  case.  The 
petition  may  be  disregarded  entirely,  or  it  may  be  decided  that  the 
exploits  related  are  sufficient  only  to  allow  the  warrior  to  be  known  as 
a  half  bagani.  In  this  case  he  may  wear  trousers  of  red  cloth,  but  if  he 
is  granted  the  full  title  he  is  permitted  to  don  a  blood-red  suit  and  to 
wear  a  turban  of  the  same  hue.  This  distinction  is  eagerly  sought  by 
the  more  vigorous  men  of  the  tribe  and,  as  a  result,  many  lives  are 
taken  each  year. 

A  short  time  ago  a  candidate  entered  the  district  of  Bungalung  on 
the  east  coast  of  Davao  and  killed  thirty-two  persons.  In  that  same 
section  are  now  living  five  bagani  who  have  gained  this  title  by  similar 
exploits."'  Whole  communities  become  involved  in  feuds  as  a  result 
of  these  individual  raids,  for  it  is  the  duty  of  a  murdered  man's  family 
to  seek  revenge  for  his  death.  It  is  not  necessary  that  they  kill  the 
offender,  as  any  member  of  his  family  or  settlement  will  suffice.  In 
some  districts  the  unmarried  relatives  of  a  murdered  person  are  not 
allowed  to  wed  until  the  death  is  avenged. 

Instances  are  known  where  the  old  men  have  conferred  the  title  of 
bagani  upon  the  son  of  some  deceased  warrior.  In  such  a  case  the 
recipient  of  the  honor  starts  at  once  to  fulfil  the  requirements  of  election, 
for  otherwise  he  brings  disgrace  to  himself  and  family.  In  his  own 
settlement  the  oldest  of  the  bagani  becomes  supreme  ruler,  and  if 
powerful  enough  he  may  extend  his  influence  to  a  considerable  distance. 
In  a  few  cases  on  the  East  coast  the  holders  of  the  title  have  so  instilled 
fear  of  themselves  into  the  neighboring  districts  that  they  have  been 
able  to  levy  blackmail,  even  on  the  Christianized  natives.  War  parties 
are  led  by  these  wearers  of  the  red  garments,  and  they  also  enforce 
the  laws  handed  down  from  their  forefathers. 

The  day  a  warrior  is  elevated  to  this  order  he  is  in  a  large  measure 
cut  away  from  his  fellows.  He  no  longer  associates  with  them  as 
equals  but  eats  his  meals  alone,  unless  it  happens  that  other  bagani 
are  present. 

1  At  Mayo  it  was  said  that  it  is  necessary  to  kill  only  six,  but  the  two  baginii 
living  there  had  each  killed  more  than  twice  that  number.  Among  the  Mansaka 
the  number  required  is  often  as  high  as  thirty. 

2  These  are  Maclingtong  at  Pandisan;  Pankard  at  Tagauanan;  Kasicknan, 
Lewanan,  and  Malarigvt,  in  the  mountains  between  Taguanan  and  Piso. 


i82     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History     Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Below  the  bagani  in  rank  come  the  warriors,  a  class  which  includes 
practically  all  the  able-bodied  free  men;  and  still  below  them  are  the 
slaves.  Slavery  was  an  ancient  institution  with  this  people  when  the 
Spaniards  first  visited  their  country,  and  it  has  continued  to  flourish 
up  to  the  present,  in  all  districts  a  little  removed  from  the  influence 
of  the  white  man.  The  great  majority  of  slaves  are  secured  by  capture, 
but  until  recent  years  the  Moro  of  the  coast  have  carried  on  a  lucrative 
slave  trade  with  this  tribe.  Girls  and  women  become  members  of 
their  master's  household,  but  their  children  are  treated  as  slaves. 
Captive  boys  and  men  aid  their  masters  in  the  chase  and  in  the  fields, 
and  in  most  cases  it  would  be  hard  indeed  for  a  stranger  to  pick  servant 
from  master.  Sometimes  the  people  of  a  neighboring  village  ransom 
one  of  their  fellows  and  in  such  a  case  the  freed  slave  may  return  to  his 
old  home  or  he  may  become  a  free  member  of  the  community  in  which 
he  has  been  serving. 

DWELLINGS 

The  insecurity  of  life  resulting  from  the  conditions  described  has 
caused  the  people  to  build  their  homes  high  in  the  branches  of  trees, 
often  so  situated  on  the  edge  of  cliffs  that  they  can  be  approached  only 
from  one  direction   (Plates  LXXIII-LXXIV). 

Two  sorts  of  dwellings  are  commonly  seen.  Of  these,  the  rudest 
rest  on  the  limbs  of  trees,  and  conform  in  size  and  shape  to  the  nature 
of  the  supporting  branches.  Some  few  houses  of  this  kind  have 
horizontal  sides  and  sloping  roofs,  but  more  frequently  a  roof  which 
slopes  directly  from  a  central  ridge  pole  to  the  edges  of  the  platform 
does  away  with  the  necessity  of  side  walls. 

The  second  and  more  common  type  of  house  is  shown  in  Plate 
LXXIV.  Here  the  top  of  the  tree  has  been  cut  off  some  fifteen  or 
twenty  feet  above  the  ground  leaving  a  stump  to  serve  as  a  part  of  the 
foundation.  Many  smaller  poles  help  support  the  floor  and  then  extend 
upward  to  form  the  wall  and  roof  stays.  The  upper  flooring  of  beaten 
bark  rests  on  cross-beams  which  have  been  lashed  to  the  uprights. 
Above  it  are  occasional  horizontal  poles,  forming  a  skeleton  to  which 
the  walls  of  nipa  palm  are  fastened.  In  some  houses  two  or  three  of 
the  foundation  poles  extend  above  the  floor  to  such  a  height  that  they 
are  used  as  the  supports  for  the  ridge  pole.  In  others  true  king  posts 
rest  on  the  beams,  which  in  turn  are  supported  by  the  corner  poles. 
From  the  ridge  a  number  of  smaller  rods  extend  to  or  project  out  over 
the  side  walls,  and  on  them  rests  the  roofing  of  nipa  palm.  A  space 
of  several  inches  often  intervenes  between  the  roof  and  the  side  walls. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     183 

The  whole  structure  is  so  firmly  lashed  together  with  rattan  that  it  is 
capable  of  withstanding  severe  storms,  despite  the  fact  that  it  gives  and 
creaks  with  every  wind.  During  violent  storms  the  house  is  further 
secured  by  anchoring  it  with  rattan  lines  to  nearby  trees. 

Entrance  to  the  dwelling  is  gained  by  means  of  bamboo  or  rattan 
ladders.  These  are  drawn  up  at  night,  and  with  all  means  of  access 
thus  removed  the  inhabitants  need  have  little  fear  of  a  surprise  attack. 
If  enemies  do  attempt  to  dislodge  them  the  defenders  have  the  advantage 
of  their  elevated  position  in  the  use  of  their  weapons. 

Generally,  each  house  contains  only  one  room  which  varies  in  size 
according  to  the  number  of  inhabitants.  Frequently  two  or  three 
families  are  found  living  in  one  house,  for  it  is  the  custom  for  the  suitors, 
and  often  for  the  husbands  of  the  married  daughters,  to  live  with  the 
girls'  people. 

Near  the  door,  or  in  one  corner  of  the  room,  is  a  small  box  of  earth 
in  which  several  stones  are  imbedded.  This  constitutes  the  hearth, 
about  which  is  found  a  miscellany  of  pots,  jars,  and  other  kitchen 
vessels.  The  smoke  finds  its  way  out  through  a  small  opening  at  each 
end  of  the  roof,  or  through  the  narrow  space  under  the  eaves.  There 
is  no  recognized  arrangement  of  the  room.  Utensils1  are  scattered 
promiscuously  about  and  when  the  inhabitants  are  ready  to  sleep  they 
occupy  such  parts  of  the  floor  as  are  free  or  can  be  most  easily  cleared. 

The  people  of  a  community  build  their  houses  within  a  short  distance 
of  one  another,  yet  seldom  so  close  together  as  to  form  a  village.  How- 
ever, village  life  is  not  entirely  unknown,  for  in  the  vicinity  of  Cateel 
Governor  Bolton  found  six  houses,  partially  surrounded  by  palisades, 
perched  on  the  top  of  a  conical  hill. 

Lieutenant  Youngblood  gives  the  following  description  of  the 
people  and  dwellings  seen  by  him  near  the  upper  waters  of  the  Agusan 
river : 

"The  people  seemed  to  be  living  in  an  atmosphere  of  fear  as  far 
as  intercourse  with  the  world  outside  their  crater-like  valley  was  con- 
cerned. They  believed  it  was  death  to  look  upon  the  sea,  of  which 
they  had  heard  disjointed  tales,  but  which  none  of  them  had  ever  seen. 
They  feared  the  coast  people  with  a  mortal  fear,  justified  perhaps  by 
the  experiences  of  occasional  meetings  in  times  gone  by.  They  fear 
each  other  to  a  certain  extent,  especially  men  who  live  further  north 
of  the  headwaters  of  the  Agusan.  This  ever-present  state  of  fear  gives 
coloring  to  their  whole  life.     They  take  to  the  brush  at  the  least 

1  These  consist  of  baskets,  rice  mortars,  and  winnowers,  weaving  outfits,  bark 
dye  vats,  as  well  as  traps  and  weapons,  nearly  all  of  which  are  so  similar  to  those 
already  described  for  the  Bagobo  that  they  do  not  call  for  special  notice  here. 


184     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

unwonted  sound.  They  make  their  clearings  on  the  steep  mountain- 
sides and  in  these  build  two  or  three  of  their  houses  in  strategic  posi- 
tions. In  the  very  construction  of  their  dwellings  the  idea  of  security 
in  case  of  attack  is  predominant. 

"The  houses  in  this  section  are  generally  built  in  clearings  on  the 
sawn-off  trunk  of  some  giant  tree  and  placed  from  the  ground  some 
forty  or  fifty  feet.  Numerous  posts  help  support  the  structure,  entrance 
to  which  is  gained  by  a  notched  pole  firmly  set  in  the  ground  and  held 
in  place  by  tightly  wound  bejuca.  Oftentimes  this  stair  pole  is  bowed 
outwards  slightly,  which  gives  it  a  peculiar  appearance  and  requires 
a  considerable  amount  of  skill  in  climbing.  The  front  and  only  door 
to  these  houses  consists  of  a  section  of  the  floor  composed  of  hewn 
plank,  hinged  at  one  end.  One  end  of  this  is  raised  by  a  bejuca  rope 
during  the  day,  while  at  night  it  is  let  down  forming  a  solid  floor 
throughout  the  house. 

"The  roof  is  of  shingles  made  from  mountain  cane;  the  floor  and 
sides  of  hand-hewn  logs  and  planks;  the  roof  is  at  no  place  more  than 
seven  feet  from  the  floor  and  is  blackened  on  the  inside  from  smoke. 
The  largest  house  visited  in  this  locality  was  that  of  Chief  Leuanan, 
and  this  was  some  twenty  feet  square.  These  houses  consist  of  one 
room  and  are  inhabited  by  two  or  more  families." 

AGRICULTURE 

About  the  settlements  are  the  fields  in  which  rice,  corn,  camotes, 
sugar-cane,  and  a  small  amount  of  tobacco,  cotton  and  hemp  are  raised. 
However,  the  crops  are  usually  so  small  that  even  with  the  addition  of 
game  and  forest  products  there  is,  each  year,  a  period  closely  bordering 
on  starvation.  New  clearings  are  frequently  made  near  to  the  old,  for 
the  primitive  tools1  with  which  the  people  work  are  ill -fitted  to  combat 
the  incursion  into  the  open  land  of  the  rank  cogon  grass.  Only  the 
exhaustion  of  suitable  timber  land  for  a  new  clearing,  the  prevalence 
of  an  epidemic,  or  the  near  approach  of  a  powerful  enemy  will  cause 
the  people  to  move  their  homes  from  one  district  to  another. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  important  part  the  limokon  plays 
in  the  selection  and  clearing  of  a  new  plot  of  ground,2  and  to  the  offer- 
ings made  to  the  spirits  when  it  becomes  necessary  to  cut  down  certain 
trees.3      The  crops,   aside  from  the  rice,   are  planted   and  harvested 

1  These  consist  of  a  mall  axe,  working  knife,  and  planting  stick. 

2  See  pages  173  and  177. 

3  Near  Cateel  the  wishes  of  the  spirits  are  learned  by  means  of  cords.  A  number 
of  strings  are  tied  together  in  the  center  and  the  knot  is  buried.  The  loose  ends  are 
then  joined  and  if  it  happens  that  the  two  ends  of  a  cord  have  been  tied  together  it 
is  taken  as  a  sign  that  the  spirits  give  their  consent  to  the.  proposed  clearing. 


September,   1913.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      185 


without  further  reference  to  the  spirit  world,  but  the  cultivation  and 

care  of  this  cereal  can  only  be  carried  on  according  to  certain  fixed 

conditions. 

About  November  first,  when  a  group  of  seven  stars  called  poyo  poyo 

appears  in  the  west,  it  is  a  signal  for  all  who  expect  to  clear  new  land 

to    begin    their    labors.     By    December    first    this    constellation    rises 

straight  above  and  it  is  then  time  to  plant.     This  is  further  confirmed 

by  the  appearance  of  a  star  known  as  sabak.     If  any  have  delayed  their 

planting  until  the  middle  of  December  they  are  given  a  last  warning 

when  the  stars  forming  Bayatik1  appear. 

As  soon  as  the  land  has  been  cleared  a  pole  is  placed  in  the  center 

of  the  field  and  is  surrounded  by  a  fence.     This  is  known  as  tagbinlan 

and  seems  to  be  erected  in  honor  of  the  spirit  Omayan,  although  by 

some  it  is  insisted  that  it  is  intended  for  his  residence.     The  seed  rice 

is  deposited  inside  the  enclosure2  and  the  men  begin  to  prepare  the 

soil  about  it.     This  they  do  by  thrusting  sharpened  sticks  into  the 

ground,  thus  making  holes  an  inch  or  two  in  depth.     Taking  rice  from 

the  tagbtman  the  women  follow,  dropping  seeds  into  the  holes. 

When   the  harvest  time  is  near  at  hand  the  men  repair  the  old 

granaries  or  build  new  and  then,  when  all  is  ready  for  the  crop,  an  old 

man  or  woman  goes  alone,  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  to  the  fields  and 

there  cuts  a  few  stalks  of  the  rice.     Should  this  be  neglected  the  crop 

is  sure  to  be  small  and  will  vanish  quickly.     This  grain  is  not  used  as 

an  offering,  nor  are  any  gifts  made  to  the  spirits  until  the  crop  has  been 

harvested  and  the  people  are  ready  to  eat  of  the  new  rice.     At  that 

time  a  little  of  the  recently  harvested  grain  is  placed  on  a  dish,  together 

with  other  food  and  betel-nut,  and  is  carried  to  the  granary,  where  it 

is  presented  to  the  spirit  "in  order  that  the 

granary  may  always   be  full."      When   the 

grain  is  needed  for  use  it  is  removed  from  the 

straw  by  pounding  it  with  wooden  pestles ,  it 

is  then  placed   in   a  wooden  mortar   and  is 

again  pounded  until  the  husks  are  loosened. 

This  accomplished,  the  grain  is  freed  from 

chaff  by  tossing  it  in  a  winnower.  If  a  greater 

amount  has  been  cleared  than  is  needed  it  is 

stored    in   gourds    or   water-proof    baskets 

(Fig.  50).  A  month  or  two  after  the  harvest 
1  This  is  the  same  as  balatik,  page  62. 
J  Maxey  relates  that  at  planting  and  harvest 
time  the  Mandaya  of  Cateel  carry  offerings  to  the 
baltti  trees  and  there  offer  it  to  Diwata,  in  suppli- 
cation or  thanks  for  an  abundant  crop. 


FIG.    50. 
GOURD    RICE     HOLDER. 


i86     Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Axtii.,  Vol.  XII. 

a  great  celebration  is  held,  the  principal  features  of  which  are  a  feast 
and  dance  but  no  offerings  are  then  made  to  the  spirits. 

The  small  crop  of  sugar-cane  is  made  into  an  alcoholic  drink,  which 
is  sometimes  indulged  in  at  meal  time  but  is  generally  reserved  for 
festive  occasions.  The  juice  is  boiled  with  a  plant  called  palba,  similar 
to  ginger,  and  is  stored  away  in  bamboo  tubes  until  it  has  reached  a 
suitable  stage  of  fermentation.  Another  drink  is  made  by  boiling 
strained  honey  with  the  palba  and  allowing  it  to  ferment. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 
A  considerable  portion  of  the  food  supply  is  secured  by  hunting 
and  fishing.  Small  birds  are  captured  by  placing  a  sticky  substance 
on  bare  limbs  of  fruit-bearing  trees,  or  by  fastening  gummed  sticks 
in  places  frequented  by  birds.  When  a  victim  alights  on  this  it  is  held 
securely  until  captured  by  the  hunter.  Fig.  5 1  shows  another  method 
small   ?ame.     A  cord  with  a  noose  at  one  end  is 


of  securing  such 


FIG.    51. 

Bird   Snare. 


attached  to  a  bent  limb.  In  the  center  of  this  cord  is  tied  a  short 
stick  which  acts  as  a  trigger.  This  trigger  is  placed  with  the  top  end 
pressing  against  an  arched  twig  a,  while  the  other  end  draws  b  against 
the  sides  of  the  arch.  Other  sticks  rest  on  b  and  on  them  is  a  covering 
of  leaves  on  which  is  placed  bait  and  the  open  noose.  The  weight  of 
a  bird  or  small  animal  on  the  cross-piece  is  sufficient  to  release  the 
trigger  and  then  the  bent  limb  draws  the  noose  taut. 

The  series  of  slip  nooses  attached  to  a  central  cord  which  surrounds 
a  tame  decoy  is  also  found  in  use  here,  and  boys  frequently  secure 
birds  by  means  of  blow-guns.     The  latter  do  not  differ  from  those 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     187 

-already  described  on  p.  73,    but    with    this    tribe    they  are  regarded 
only  as  a  boy's  plaything. 

Deer  and  pig  are  sometimes  hunted  by  large  parties  with  the  aid 
of  dogs.  In  such  cases  an  attempt  is  made  to  drive  the  animals  past 
concealed  hunters,  or  to  dispatch  them  with  spears  when  brought  to 
bay  by  the  dogs.  The  more  successful  method,  however,  is  by  means 
of  traps  several  types  of  which  were  seen  by  the  writer.  The  first 
and  most  common  is  a  dead  fall  consisting  of  a  heavy  log  so  arranged 
in  the  runway  of  the  game  that  a  passing  animal  will  cause  it  to  fall 
Next  in  favor  with  the  hunters  is  the  bayatik.  One  end  of  a  sapling 
is  tied  horizontally  to  a  tree  and  is  then  bent  back  like  a  spring.  It  is 
held  in  place  by  means  of  a  trigger  which  is  released  when  an  animal 
disturbs  a  vine  stretched  across  the  runway.  Against  the  free  end  of 
the  spring  a  long  bamboo- spear  or  arrow  is  placed  in  such  a  manner 
that  it  is  thrown  with  great  force  against  the  animal  which  has  released 
the  trigger.  This  trap  is  frequently  used  in  warfare  to  protect  the 
retreat  of  a  war  party,  or  to  surprise  an  enemy. 

Sharpened  bamboo  sticks,  two  or  three  feet  long,  planted  at  points 
where  animals  are  accustomed  to  jump  or  run  down  steep  inclines,  are 
wonderfully  efficient  in  securing  game.  Sticks  and  leaves  cover  pits 
in  which  sharpened  poles  are  planted  and  into  these  unsuspecting 
animals  or  members  of  a  hostile  party  often  fall.  All  these  last  named 
devices  are  exceedingly  dangerous  and  it  is  unadvisable  for  a  traveler 
in  the  jungle  to  try  to  penetrate  a  strange  region  unless  accompanied 
b>y  a  native  who  knows  the  position  of  the  traps  and  pits. 

Fish  are  secured  by  means  of  bamboo  traps  through  which  a  part 
of  the  water  of  a  stream  is  diverted.  These  traps  do  not  differ  in  any 
respect  from  those  shown  in  Fig.  19.  Along  the  coast  metal  fish- 
hooks and  dip  and  throw  nets  are  in  common  use,  but  these  are  at 
present  largely  obtained  from  the  Moro.  The  easiest  and  hence  the 
most  popular  method  of  securing  fish  is  to  mash  together  the  poisonous 
roots  of  the  tobli  tree  and  the  fruit  of  the  oliskEb.  The  pulp  is  then 
sunk  into  still  pools  of  water  and  in  a  short  time  the  stupified  fish 
begin  to  float  to  the  surface,  where  they  are  quickly  seized  by  the 
fishermen. 

WARFARE 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  use  of  pits  and  traps  in 
warfare.  In  addition  to  these  it  is  customary  for  a  returning  war  party 
to  conceal    in   the   trail   many  saonag,   small   stiletto-shaped   bamboo 


1 88     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


h\ 


\ 


j 


i  -1 


A\ 


\) 


M     a 


\  \' 


II, 


W 


FIG.    52. 
WOODEN    SHIELDS. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  ok  Davao  District — Coee.      189 

t 

sticks,  which  pierce  the  feet  of  those  in  pursuit.  A  night  camp  is 
effectively  protected  in  the  same  manner  against  barefooted  enemies. 

The  arms  used  are  spears,  fighting  knives  with  wide  bellied  blades, 
daggers,  narrow  shields  with  which  weapons  are  deflected  (Fig.  52), 
and  in  some  sections  bows  and  arrows.  The  fighting  knives  and 
daggers  (Plates  LXXV-LXXVI)  deserve  more  than  casual  notice. 
The  heavy  bellied  blades  of  the  knives  are  highly  tempered,  and  not 
infrequently  are  bored  through  and  inlaid  with  silver,  in  which  instances 
they  are  known  as  binuta, — blind  (Plate  LXXVa).  The  sheaths,  with 
their  sharply  upturned  ends,  are  made  of  light  wood  on  which  are 
carved  decorations,  attached  or  inlaid  bands  of  silver,  or  stained 
designs.  The  handles  of  the  weapons  are  also  decorated  with  incised 
silver  bands. 

Much  as  the  fighting  knives  are  prized,  the  dagger,  bayadan  or 
bddau,  is  in  even  greater  favor.  It  is  worn  on  the  front  left-hand  part 
of  the  body  in  ready  reach  of  the  right  hand,  and  is  never  removed 
unless  the  owner  is  in  the  company  of  trusted  relatives.  A  light  thread, 
easily  broken,  holds  the  dagger  in  its  sheath  and  the  slightest  disturbance 
is  enough  to  cause  the  owner  to  draw  his  weapon. 

The  older  warriors  claim  that  it  formerly  was  their  custom  to 
protect  themselves  with  strips  of  hemp  cloth,  limbotimg,  which  they 
wound  many  times  around  their  bodies  in  order  to  ward  off  knife 
thrusts,  but  this  method  of  protection  seems  to  have  fallen  into  disuse.1 

Individual  warriors  lie  in  ambush  for  their  foes,  but  when  a  great 
raid  is  planned  the  party  is  under  the  command  of  a  bagani.  These 
attacks  are  arranged  to  take  place  during  the  full  moon  and  the 
warriors  usually  assault  a  settlement  which  they  think  can  be  taken  by 
surprise,  and  hence  unprepared.  It  is  very  seldom  that  these  people 
fight  in  the  open,  and  invaders  do  not  attempt  a  combat  unless  they 
feel  sure  of  the  outcome.  If  they  find  a  house  well  protected  they  may 
attempt  to  fire  it  by  attaching  a  torch  to  an  arrow  and  shooting  it 
into  the  grass  roof,  the  occupants  being  slaughtered  as  they  rush  out. 
If  one  of  the  enemy  puts  up  an  especially  good  fight  his  body  is  opened 
and  the  warriors  eat  a  portion  of  his  heart  and  liver,  thinking  thus  to 
gain  in  valor. 

Mr.  Maxey  mentions  the  use  of  poisoned  weapons  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cateel,  but  the  Mandaya  of  the  south  seem  to  be  entirelv 
ignorant  of  this  custom.  Maxey's  account  of  the  preparation  of  the 
poison  is  as  follows: 

1  This  type  of  protective  armor  is  still  used  by  the  Bukidnon  of  Central  Min- 
danao. 


190     Field  Museum  of  Naturae  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

"The  poison  is,  according  to  the  writer's  informant,  prepared  as 
follows:  A  long  bamboo  is  cut  and  carried  to  a  tree  called  camandag.1 
The  bamboo  must  be  long  enough  to  reach  to  the  limit  of  the  shadow 
cast  by  the  tree  to  the  trunk  of  the  same,  as  the  tree  is  so  poisonous 
that  it  even  affects  those  who  stand  beneath  it.  The  bamboo  has  a 
sharp  point  which  is  stuck  into  the  tree  and  receives  the  milk  which 
exudes  from  the  cut.  After  several  days  the  bamboo  is  removed  and 
the  contents  emptied  into  another  bamboo  which  serves  for  a  sheath 
or  quiver  for  the  arrows,  these  being  placed  in  it  point  down.  The 
slightest  scratch  will  cause  death.  A  peculiar  thing  about  the  tree 
from  which  the  poison  is  extracted,  is  that  the  person  extracting  must 
not  only  not  get  under  the  tree,  but  must  approach  it  from  the  windward, 
as  the  effects  of  even  the  odor  are  unpleasant  and  dangerous." 

INDUSTRIES 

In  the  description  of  the  tribe  up  to  this  point  we  have  touched 
upon  those  pursuits  which  engross  the  greater  part  of  the  time.  In 
addition  to  these,  it  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  women  to  manufacture  and 
decorate  all  the  clothing  worn  by  members  of  the  tribe.  Some  cotton 
is  grown  and  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  jackets,  but  the  bulk  of  the 
garments  are  of  hemp.  In  the  description  of  the  Decorative  Art  we 
shall  deal  with  the  decoration  of  the  hemp  cloth  skirts  worn  by  the 
women.  Here  it  is  only  necessary  for  us  to  observe  that  this  cloth  is 
produced  and  colored  by  exactly  the  same  process  as  is  employed  by 
the  Bagobo  women.2 

A  very  little  brass  casting  is  done  by  the  Mandaya  of  one  district, 
but  it  is  evidently  a  crude  copy  of  Moro  work.  By  far  the  greater 
part  of  the  brass  betel  boxes,  and  ornaments  of  that  metal,  as  well 
as  spear  heads,  are  purchased  from  the  coast  Mohammedans. 

Iron  working  is  an  ancient  art  with  this  people  and  the  beauty  and 
temper  of  their  knives  and  daggers  is  not  excelled  by  the  output  of  any 
other  Philippine  tribe.  In  the  manufacture  of  these  weapons  they 
employ  the  same  methods  as  their  neighbors  to  the  south  and  west. 

No  wild  tribe  in  the  archipelago  has  made  so  much  use  of  silver  in 
the  production  of  ornaments  as  has  the  Mandaya.  Thin  silver  plates 
are  rolled  into  small  tubes  and  are  attached  to  the  woman's  ear  plugs 
(Fig.  49),  finger  rings  of  the  same  metal  are  produced  in  great  numbers, 
but  the  finest  work  appears  in  the  large  silver  ornaments  worn  on  the 
breasts  by  both  sexes   (Fig.   53).     Silver  coins  are  beaten  into  thin 

1  Crolon  tiglium  L. 

2  See  p.  79. 


September,   1913-       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      191 

disks,  in  the  center  of  which  a  hole  is  cut.  About  this  opening  appear 
beautiful  intricate  designs,  some  engraved,  others  stamped  with  metal 
dies. 

All  work  in  metal  is  limited  to  a  few  skilled  men,  but  many  lesser 
industries,  such  as  shaping  tortoise  shell  rings  and  shell  bracelets, 
carving  of  spoons,  and  making  baskets,  are  carried  on  by  other  members 
of  the  tribe  during  their  leisure  hours. 

BIRTH 

In  each  district  there  are  one  or  two  midwives,  known  as  managdmon. 
They  are  women  past  middle  life  who  are  versed  in  the  medicines  and 
rites  which  should  be  employed  at  the  time  of  birth.  They  are  not 
considered  as  ballyan,  yet  they  talk  to  the  spirits  upon  certain  occasions. 

When  a  pregnant  woman  is  about  to  be  delivered  the  midwife 
crushes  the  bark  of  the  dap-dap    tree  and  makes  a  medicine  called 


FIG.    53. 
Silver  Breast  Ornaments. 


tagaumo,  which  she  gives  to  the  patient.  It  is  claimed  that  this  causes 
the  muscles  to  relax  so  that  they  allow  an  easy  delivery.  The  umbilical 
cord  is  cut  with  a  bamboo  knife  and  as  soon  as  the  child  has  been 
bathed  it  is  given  to  the  mother.  The  afterbirth  is  placed  in  a  specially 
prepared  basket  and  is  either  hung  against  the  side  of  the  house  or  in 
a  nearby  tree.  For  a  few  days  the  midwife  assists  about  the  house  and 
then,  if  all  is  well  with  the  child,  she  takes  her  payment  of  rice,  chicken, 
and  fish,  and  returns  to  her  home.  Should  the  child  be  ailing  she  will 
return,  and  having  placed  rice  and  betel-nut  on  banana  leaves  she 
carries  these  to  the  top  of  the  house  and  there  offers  them  to  the 
1  Erythrina  indica  Lam. 


192      Field  Museum  of  Natural  History-  A  nth.,  Vol.  XII. 

asuang,1  meanwhile  asking  those  spirits  to  accept  the  offering  and  to 
cease  troubling  the  child.  No  ceremony  takes  place  at  the  time  of 
naming  or  at  the  age  of  puberty,  but  at  the  latter  period  the  teeth  are 
filed  and  blackened  so  that  the  young  person  may  be  more  beautiful 
and,  therefore,  able  to  contract  a  suitable  marriage. 

MARRIAGE 

Frequently  parents  arrange  matches  for  their  children  while  they 
are  still  very  young,  but  in  the  majority  of  cases  the  matter  is  left  until 
after  the  age  of  puberty  when  the  wishes  of  the  young  people  are  taken 
into  consideration.  The  youth  or  his  father  having  chosen  a  suitable 
girl  takes  or  sends  a  spear,  knife,  or  other  acceptable  present  to  her 
father.  If  this  offering  is  accepted  it  indicates  approval  of  the  match, 
and  soon  thereafter  a  feast  is  prepared  to  which  friends  of  both  families 
are  invited.  At  this  feast  the  price  to  be  paid  for  the  girl  and  the  time 
of  marriage  are  agreed  upon,  and  at  least  partial  payment  is  made. 
As  is  the  case  with  the  neighboring  tribes,  a  part  of  the  value  of  this 
gift  is  returned.  Following  the  agreement  the  boy  enters  the  service 
of  his  fiancee's  father  and  for  a  year  or  more  lives  as  a  member  of  the 
family.  Even  after  the  marriage  a  considerable  amount  of  service  is 
expected  from  him  at  the  time  of  planting,  harvesting,  or  building. 

The  marriage  ceremony  proper  follows  a  feast,  and  consists  of  the 
young  couple  feeding  each  other  with  rice  and  drinking  from  a  common 
cup. 

Should  anything  occur  to  prevent  the  marriage,  after  the  payment 
for  the  girl  has  been  made,  the  gifts  must  be  returned  or  service  equal 
to  their  value  must  be  rendered. 

Unfaithfulness  on  the  part  of  the  woman  seems  to  be  the  one  cause 
for  a  separation  and  this  is  uncommon,  for  unless  her  admirer  purchases 
her  for  a  sum  equal  to  the  amount  her  husband  spent  in  obtaining  her, 
the  divorced  woman  remains  as  a  slave  in  the  home  of  her  former 
husband. 

Polygamy  is  permitted  and  is  quite  common,  but  a  man  may  not 
take  a  second  wife  until  a  child  has  been  born  to  the  first.  In  addition 
to  his  wives  a  man  may  have  as  many  concubines  as  he  can  afford  to 
purchase. 

It  is  said  to  be  a  grave  offense  for  a  man  to  embrace  a  married  woman, 
or  even  to  touch  the  breasts,  elbows,  or  heels  of  any  woman  he  does 
not  intend  to  marry.  An  unmarried  woman  who  permits  such  familiar- 
ities is  considered   as  good   as  married.     Despite   this   assertion,   the 

1  See  p.  176. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      193 

writer  knows  of  several  eases  where  young  people  openly  lived  together 
without  being  considered  married,  and  later  the  parents  arranged 
marriages  between  these  girls  and  other  suitors. 

According  to  several  informants,  incest  is  punished  by  the  sacrifice 
of  the  guilty  parties.  They  are  tied  to  a  tree  with  their  hands  drawn 
backward  around  the  trunks  and  are  then  speared  to  death.  This 
seems  to  be  the  one  and  only  occasion  when  human  sacrifice  is  practiced 
by  members  of  this  tribe. 

SICKNESS  AND  DEATH. 
When  a  person  is  seriously  ill  a  ballyan  is  summoned  and  she,  after 
securing  prepared  rice,  betel-nuts,  and  a  live  chicken,  enters  into  com- 
munication with  the  spirits.  First  she  converses  with  the  dead  father 
or  other  deceased  relative  of  the  sick  person  and  requests  his  aid  in 
effecting  a  cure,  next  she  presents  food  to  Diwata  and  implores  his 
aid,  and  finally  calls  upon  the  asuang  to  whom  she  offers  the  live  fowl 
on  the  condition  that  they  will  cease  trying  to  injure  the  patient. 
Having  thus  done  all  in  her  power  to  influence  the  spirits  she  may 
administer  some  simple  remedy,  after  which  she  begins  to  dance  contra- 
clockwise,  around  a  bamboo  pole  on  which  leaves  and  betel-nut  have 
been   hung.1 

If  this  treatment  proves  to  be  of  no  avail  and  the  patient  dies  his 
body  is  placed  in  the  center  of  the  house  and  for  two  days  and  nights 
is  guarded  by  relatives  and  friends.  During  the  time  that  the  body 
remains  in  the  dwelling  the  family  is  required  to  fast  and  all  the  people 
of  the  settlement  are  prohibited  from  playing  on  agongs,  from  singing 
or  indulging  in  other  signs  of  merriment.  Finally,  the  body  is  wrapped 
in  a  mat  and  in  buried  in  the  forest.2 

Returning  from  the  burial  all  the  people  partake  of  a  feast  and  then 
set  fire  to  the  dwelling  "because  we  do  not  like  the  asuang  which  killed 
the  man  in  that  house."     During  the  ensuing  nine  days  the  spouse  of 

1  This  ceremony  usually  takes  place  in  the  house,  but  if  the  man  was  taken  ill 
in  the  forest  or  in  his  field  it  may  be  conducted  there. 

-  Maxey  gives  the  following  account  of  burial  near  Cateel:  "The  dead  person 
is  dressed  in  his  best  clothes,  wrapped  in  a  piece  of  abaca  cloth,  and  placed  in  a  coffin 
of  bamboo  poles,  or  one  hewn  from  a  solid  log,  if  the  person  was  one  of  means,  and 
buried.  If  of  the  poorer  class  he  is  merely  wrapped  in  a  piece  of  matting,  and  either 
buried  or  covered  over  with  stones,  sticks,  and  the  like.  If  of  high  rank,  the  body 
is  not  buried,  but  after  preparation  is  taken  into  the  forest  and  placed  in  a  small 
hut  under  a  balete  tree.  Food,  spears,  bolos,  hats,  shields,  and  some  articles  of 
furniture  are  placed  on  the  graves  to  placate  the  spirits  who  might  otherwise  bring 
harm  to  the  surviving  members  of  the  clan  or  family.  There  is  no  fixed  period  of 
mourning,  but  the  members  of  the  family  must  wear  black  for  some  time  after  the 
death.  The  sick  are  never  abandoned  prior  to  death,  but  slaves  nearing  death  are 
sometimes  killed  to  stop  their  sufferings.  The  owner,  however,  must  first  consult 
with  others  of  the  clan." 


194     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 


FIG.  54  E. 


FIG.    54G. 


FIG.  54F 
FIG.   54A  TO   H.        DESIGNS    REPRESENTING  THE    HUMAN    FORM. 


FIG.  54H. 


September.   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.      195 

the  dead  dresses  in  black  and  for  a  month  following,  or  until  they  can 
purchase  a  slave,  the  whole  family  is  barred  from  merry-making. 
Two  reasons  for  the  purchase  of  this  slave  were  advanced  by  members 
of  the  tribe.  One  was  that  the  family  could  be  happy  if  they  were 
still  rich  enough  to  purchase  a  slave.  The  second,  that  they  thus 
replaced  the  dead  man  with  another,  "for  the  slaves  are  like  members 
of  our  own  family." 

DECORATIVE  ART. 

The  decorative  art  of  the  Mandaya  is  similar  in  many  respects  to 
that  of  the  Bagobo  and  Bila-an,  yet  in  part  it  differs  greatly  from  both. 
As  is  true  with  the  other  tribes,  the  weavers  make  use  of  many  figures 
which  they  do  not  associate  with  any  living  forms,  but  which,  neverthe- 
less, strongly  suggest  that  they  may  have  been  derived  from  realistic 
designs.  In  addition  to  such  patterns  they  frequently  employ  figures 
which  are  intentional  copies  of  human  or  animal  forms.  Of  these  the 
most  common  are  those  representing  a  man  and  a  crocodile;  these 
sometimes  appear  together,  sometimes  alone.  The  requirements  of 
the  space  to  be  filled,  as  well  as  readiness  of  the  worker  to  alter  any 
part  in  order  to  give  a  more  pleasing  effect  to  the  design  have  resulted 
in  many  distorted  and  conventionalized  figures  which  can  only  be 
explained  by  the  artist.  The  accompanying  drawings  are  taken  from 
articles  collected  by  the  writer  and  now  in  the  Field  Museum  of 
Natural  History. 

Patterns  A  to  H  in  Fig.  54  appear  in  hemp  cloth  skirts.  These 
show  the  steps  in  the  conventionalization  of  the  human  figure,1  as 
explained  by  the  weavers.  In  the  first  four  the  forms  are  so  realistic 
that  they  need  no  explanation,  but  E  is  more  complicated.  Here  two 
greatly  conventionalized  figures  have  been  used,  one  erect,  the  other 
with  head  down.  The  size  of  the  head  has  been  increased  while  the 
body  is  represented  by  a  small  diamond-shaped  pattern  with  out- 
stretched arms  attached.  The  legs  and  feet  of  both  figures  help  to 
form  a  pattern  similar  to  a  head,  except  that  it  lacks  the  "hair"  shown 
in  the  end  designs.  F  resembles  the  preceding  quite  closely.  In  it 
the  central  head-like  pattern  does  not  appear  and  the  legs  and  feet  of 
one  figure  help  to  form  the  head  of  the  other.  This  design  has  been 
doubled,  thus  necessitating  some  alteration  of  the  figures  at  the  points 
of  union.  In  G  and  H  nearly  all  the  realistic  elements  have  vanished, 
yet  certain  resemblance  to  D  and  E  can  be  discerned. 

1  One  weaver  insisted  that  this  figure  represents  a  frog,  because  of  its  webbed 
feet,  but  none  of  the  others  agreed  with  her. 


196    Field  Museum  oe  Natural  History — Antil,  Vol.  XII. 


55A. 


55B. 


55C. 


'II 


If 


t'W 


Hi 


55D. 


55E. 


55F. 


55G. 


0 


55H.  551. 

FIG.    55A   TO   J.      CROCODILE    DESIGNS. 


55J. 


September,   1913.       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     197 

i 
We  have  already  learned  that  the  crocodile  is  held  in  great  regard 
and  in  some  sections  there  is  evidence  of  its  more  or  less  sacred  char- 
acter. Its  importance  in  the  minds  of  the  people  is  well  shown  by  the 
frequency  with  which  it  appears  in  their  decorative  designs.  Fig.  55  A 
shows  one  of  these  animals  which  has  just  eaten  a  man.  Both 
figures  are  so  realistic  that  the  intention  of  the  weaver  is  apparent. 
In  B,  D,  E,  and  F,  the  animal  is  still  realistic,  but  the  man  disappears, 
and  in  his  place  is  a  formless  object  or  straight  lines  which  are  identified 
as  "something  eaten." 

The  pattern  G  is  given  as  the  next  step  in  the  conventionalization. 
Here  the  legs,  feet,  and  "something  eaten"  have  assumed  undue  pro- 
portions,   while   nearly   every   trace   of   likeness   has   vanished.     This 


FIG.    56. 
Crocodile   design. 


'« 

'% 


dsmSsm 


FIG.    57. 
DESIGN     USED    IN     WEAVING. 

figure  is  multiplied  five  times  to  obtain  the  highly  conventionalized  form 
shown  in  H. 

By  referring  to  G  it  is  possible  to  see  how  the  complicated  designs 
in  I  and  /  have  been  derived,  although  they  bear  little  resemblance 
to  the  original  crocodile  form. 

Fig.  56  was  identified  as  a  crocodile  but  was  not  regarded  as  a  step 
in  the  conventionalization  shown.  Many  other  figures  such  as  57 
appear  so  closely  related  to  the  designs  just  described  that  it  seems 
certain  they  must  have  had  a  common  origin,  yet  this  was  denied  by 
all  the  weavers,  who  insisted  that  such  decorations  were  added  only 
to  make  the  garments  pretty. 


198     Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

Going  from  weaving  to  designs  cut  in  wood,  something  of  the  same 
state  of  affairs  is  encountered.     Pattern  a  on   the  bamboo  comb  (Fig. 


FIG.    58. 

Incised    designs  on   a   bamboo   lime    holder. 


48)  is  identified  as  the  crocodile,  yet  the  very  similar  figures  shown  on 
a  bamboo  lime  holder  (Fig.  58)  and  on  a  wooden  clothes-hanger  (Fig. 

59)  are  not  so  recognized. 

Figs.  60  and  61  show  charac- 
teristic designs  which  are  em- 
broidered on  jackets  or  carrying 
bags.  All  these  are  added  with 
the  one  idea  of  beautifying  the 
garment,  without  any  thought  of 
copying  some  living  form.  This  is 
true  also  of  the  incised  zigzag  lines, 
scrolls,  and  meander  patterns  seen 
on  the  silver  breast  disks  (Fig.  53), 
and  those  stained  on  palm  bark 
hats  (Fig.  47). 

Tobacco  pouches  (Fig.  62)  are 
often  completely  covered  with 
bright  colored  geometrical  designs 
embroidered  in  trade  yarn.  This 
work,  which  is  quite  unlike  the 
other  decoration  used  by  this 
people,  was  probably  introduced 
along  with  trade   yarn  and  an  aline 

FIG.    59.  1 

Clothes   Hanger.  -V0, 


September,   i 9 i 3 .       Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District. — Cole.    199 


cnj     . 

U.    3 

o 

CL 

O 
O 
O 
< 
CO 
O 


CD 


O 
U. 


O 
< 
CO 

O 


CO 


C3  >- 

< 
O 


CO 

I- 

o 
< 

"3 


200    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

CONCLUSION 

From  the  material  now  at  our  disposal  certain  general  conclusions 
can  be  drawn. 

A  comparison  of  the  physical  measurements  indicates  that  no  group 
is  of  pure  race.  There  are  significant  variations  between  members  of 
different  tribes,  but  these  occur  also  between  individuals  of  the  same 
village.  The  average  person  in  each  group  is  short-headed,  yet  long- 
headed individuals  are  found  in  every  tribe  and  variations  just  as  great 
as  this  appear  in  the  other  measurements  and  observations. 

We  have  previously  noted  the  evidences  of  an  aboriginal  pygmy 
population,  that  has  been  partially  absorbed  by  intermarriage  with  the 
later  comers.1  In  all  the  groups,  except  the  Bila-an,  the  percentage  of 
individuals  showing  evidences  of  Negrito  blood  increases  as  we  go  from 
the  coasts  toward  the  interior,  until  in  such  divisions  as  the  Obo  and 
Tigdapaya  of  the  Bagobo,  and  the  Tugauanum  of  the  Ata,  practically 
all  the  people  show  traces  of  this  admixture. 

In  addition  to  the  types  already  described  there  are  found  in  each 
tribe  individuals  who  in  all  but  color  might  readily  pass  as  white  men. 
These  persons  freely  intermarry  with  the  rest  of  the  population,  and 
it  is  no  uncommon  thing  to  find  in  one  family  children  of  this  sort  as 
well  as  those  showing  Negrito  characteristics  or  those  conforming  to 
the  average  type.2 

The  facts  indicate  that  the  tribes  now  found  in  Davao  District 
did  not  reach  the  coasts  of  Mindanao  at  the  same  time,  but  rather  that 
they  represent  several  periods  of  migration,  of  which  the  Kulaman  is 
the  last.  This  tribe,  which  only  a  few  generations  ago  seems  to  have 
been  made  up  of  seafarers,  has  not  yet  entirely  adapted  itself  to  a 
settled  existence  and  it  is  only  within  the  lifetime  of  the  present  genera- 
tion that  its  members  have  taken  seriously  to  agriculture. 

It  appears  that  the  Bila-an  once  inhabited  the  district  about  Lake 
Buluan,  but  the  pressure  of  the  Moro  has  forced  most  of  them  from  that 
region  toward  the  mountains  to  the  south  and  east.  They  have  taken 
possession  of  both  sides  of  this  mountain  range,  except  for  the  lower 
eastern  slopes  where  they  have  encountered  the  Tagakaolo. 

The  other  tribes  probably  landed  on  the  southern  or  southeastern 
coast  of  the  Island,  from  whence  they  have  gradually  moved  to  their 
present  habitats. 

1  Negrito  are  reported  from  the  Samal  Islands  in  the  Gulf  of  Davao. 

2  This  will  be  discussed  in  a  forthcoming  publication  on  Physical  Types.  That 
paper  will  present  a  full  series  of  measurements  accompanied  by  photographs, 
including  the  Bukidnon  of  North  Central  Mindanao  in  which  tribe  this  type  is  more 
frequently  seen  than  in  Davao  District. 


September,  19 13        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     201 

Intermarriage  between  the  tribes,  Moro  raids,  warfare  with  the 
accompanying  capture  of  slaves,  and  the  possible  influence  of  boat-loads 
of  castaways,  all  have  to  be  considered  in  dealing  with  the  types  found 
in  Davao  District.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  physical  measure- 
ments indicate  a  complex  racial  history. 

After  giving  full  credit  to  all  these  influences,  however,  it  does  not 
appear  to  the  writer  that  such  radical  differences  exist  between  the 
tribes  as  will  justify  us  in  assigning  to  them  different  ancestry  or  places 
of  origin.  The  summarized  description  of  the  Bagobo  given  on  page  56 
would,  with  only  slight  modification,  apply  to  all  the  other  tribes,  with 
the  exception  of  certain  groups  of  the  Ata  in  which  the  Negrito  element 
is  very  pronounced.  In  brief,  the  various  influences  that  have  been 
at  work  on  one  group  have  influenced  all  the  others,  since  their  arrival 
on  the  island  of  Mindanao. 

This  conclusion  is  further  justified  by  the  language  in  which  a  large 
per  cent  of  the  words  in  daily  use  are  common  to  all  the  groups.  Even 
the  Bila-an  dialect,  which  differs  more  from  all  the  others  than  do  any 
of  those  from  one  another,  has  so  many  words  in  common  with  the 
coast  tongues  and  is  so  similar  in  structure  that  one  of  my  native  boys, 
who  never  before  had  seen  a  Bila-an,  was  able  freely  to  carry  on  a  con- 
versation within  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  in  one  of  their  most  isolated 
settlements. 

Similar  as  are  the  people  and  their  dialects,  the  cultural  agreements 
are  even  more  noticeable.  Taking  the  Bagobo  as  a  starting  point,  we 
find  a  highly  developed  culture  which,  with  a  few  minor  changes,  holds 
good  for  the  tribes  immediately  surrounding.  These  in  turn  differ 
little  from  their  neighbors,  although  from  time  to  time  some  new  forms 
appear.  The  Cibolan  type  of  dwelling,  with  its  raised  platform  at  one 
end  and  box-like  enclosures  along  the  side  walls,  is  met  with  until  the 
Mandaya  territory  is  approached,  while,  with  little  variation,  the  house 
furnishings  and  utensils  in  daily  use  are  the  same  throughout  the 
District.  The  same  complicated  method  of  overtying,  dyeing,  and 
weaving  of  hemp  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  women's  skirts  is 
in  use  from  Cateel  in  the  north  to  Sarangani  Bay  in  the  south,  while 
in  the  manufacture  of  weapons  the  iron  worker  in  Cibolan  differs  not 
at  all  from  his  fellow-craftsman  among  the  Mandaya.  Here  we  are 
confronted  by  the  objection  that,  so  far  as  is  known,  no  iron  work  is 
done  by  the  Bila-an  and  Ata,  but  this  is  a  condition  which  is  encountered 
throughout  the  archipelago.  In  the  interior  of  Luzon  are  found 
isolated  villages,  the  inhabitants  of  which  are  expert  workers  in  iron 


202    Field  Museum  of  Natural  History — Anth.,  Vol.  XII. 

and  steel,  while  their  neighbors  seem  to  be  ignorant  of  the  process.1 
The  writer  holds  to  the  opinion  that  iron  working  is  an  ancient  art 
throughout  the  Philippine  archipelago  and  that  its  use  for  various 
reasons,  such  as  lack  of  material,  has  died  out  in  certain  sections. 
Brass  workers  are  found  among  most  of  the  tribes,  but,  as  was  observed 
earlier  in  this  paper,  there  is  sufficient  evidence  that  the  industry  is 
of  recent  introduction,  and  the  amount  and  excellence  of  the  work 
done  by  the  brass  casters  is  governed  by  the  nearness  or  remoteness  of 
Moro  settlements. 

Except  for  the  cotton  garments  recently  adopted  by  the  Kagan 
branch  of  the  Tagakaolo,  and  the  suits  worn  by  the  Mandaya  men, 
the  clothing  seen  throughout  the  District  is  very  similar.  A  few  orna- 
ments, such  as  the  silver  rings  and  breast  disks  of  the  Mandaya,  have 
only  a  limited  distribution,  but  for  the  most  part  the  decorations  worn 
by  the  different  tribes  differ  only  in  the  number  of  beads,  bells,  and  shell 
disks  used  in  their  manufacture. 

In  the  ornamentation  of  their  garments  certain  groups  have  special- 
ized until  the  bead  work  of  the  Bagobo  excels  all  such  work  found  in 
the  Philippines.  The  same  can  be  said  of  the  intricate  and  beautifully 
embroidered  designs  seen  in  the  garments  of  the  Bila-an  or  the  oversewed 
fabrics  of  the  Kulaman,  while  the  crudely  embroidered  patterns  of  the 
Mandaya  are  wonderfully  effective.  Yet,  despite  apparent  dissimilar- 
ities, there  is  such  a  likeness  in  many  forms  of  ornamentation,  as  well 
as  in  the  technique  of  the  methods  of  production,  that  there  seems  to 
be  ample  proof  of  free  borrowing,  or  of  a  common  origin. 

On  the  non-material  side  the  similarities  between  the  groups  are 
even  more  marked.  In  each  tribe  the  warriors  gain  distinction  among 
their  fellows,  the  protection  of  certain  spirits,  and  the  privilege  of 
wearing  red  garments,  by  killing  a  certain  number  of  persons.  Except 
among  the  Kulaman,  mediums  much  like  the  mabalian  of  the  Bagobo 
make  known  the  wishes  of  the  superior  beings  and  direct  the  cere- 
monies. The  people  are  instructed  when  to  plant  by  the  spirits  who 
place  certain  constellations  in  the  skies.  These  are  the  same  for  all 
the  groups,  although  often  known  by  different  names.  The  limokon 
warns  or  encourages  the  traveler,  while  certain  acts  of  the  individual, 
such  as  sneezing,  are  looked  upon  as  warnings  from  unseen  beings. 
Many  of  these  beings  having  like  attributes,  although  often  bearing 
different  names,  are  known  to  each  group.  The  idea  of  one  or  more 
spirits  dwelling  in  different  parts  of  a  man's  body  is  widespread,  while 

1  The  process  used  in  Northern  Luzon  is  very  similar  to  that  employed  in  Southern 
Mindanao. 


September,  19 13.        Wild  Tribes  of  Davao  District — Cole.     203 

the  belief  that  the  right  side  of  the  body  is  under  the  care  of  good 
influences  and  the  left  subject  to  the  bad,  is  well  nigh  universal  in  the 
District. 

In  conclusion  note  should  be  made  of  oft  repeated  assertions  to  the 
effect  that  a  part  of  the  people  of  Davao  District  are  white,  and  that 
they  are  also  cannibals  and  headhunters.  The  first  can  be  dismissed 
with  the  statement  that  so  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  observe 
or  to  learn  from  trustworthy  sources,  there  is  no  justification  for  such 
a  story.  It  can  be  just  as  positively  stated  that  neither  the  Mandaya 
nor  any  other  tribe  here  described  practice  cannabalism.  Warriors 
do  eat  a  part  of  the  livers  and  hearts  of  men  who  have  shown  great 
valor,  the  eaters  thus  securing  some  of  the  good  qualities  of  the  victims. 
The  Kulaman  warriors  always  taste  of  the  liver  of  the  slain  "in  order 
to  become  like  Mandalangan,"  but  they  expressed  the  greatest  disgust 
when  it  was  suggested  that  the  balance  of  the  body  might  make  good 
food. 

While  it  is  true  that  the  Kulaman  take  the  heads,  and  sometimes 
the  arms,1  of  slain  foes,  and  that  the  same  custom  is  sometimes  followed 
by  individual  warriors  of  the  other  tribes,  head-hunting  for  the  sake  of 
the  trophy  is  not  practiced  here,  as  is  the  case  in  Northern  Luzon. 
The  skull  or  other  portions  of  the  body  are  kept  only  long  enough  to 
prove  the  murder,  or  until  they  can  be  mutilated  by  the  women  and 
children,  "who  thus  become  brave." 

1  This  is  also  the  custom  of  the  Bukidnon. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    VIII 


Although  the    hair  is  Oiled  and  Combed  Straight  Back,   Stray   locks  are 

continually  creeping   out. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM     OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XIII. 


IN    HOUSEBUILDING  THE  ROOF  IS    MADE  FIRST  AND  IS  THEN   RAISED  TO  THE    DESIRED 

HEIGHT. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XVI. 


.'     ",         'tit  ' '^i-vV>*  V     >*    - 


a— A    HOUSE   IN    BANSALAN. 

h— bamboo  Fence  around  a  Clearing. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XVIII. 


WOODEN     DECOY     USED    IN     HUNTING     DOVES. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XX. 


WOMAN    STRIPPING    THE     HEMP    WHICH    IS    TO    BE    USED    FOR     WEAVING 


To 


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a.  Dried  hemp. 

b.  Overtied  warp  threads.     Ready  to  be  colored. 

c.  Dyed  threads  with  overtying  removed. 

d.  Colored  threads  ready  for  the  loom. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XXII. 


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FIFLD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XXIV. 


POLISHING    THE    CLOTH. 

(Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XXVI. 


A    AND    B.        KNIFE   AND    CARVED    STICK    USED    IN     DECORATING    "JOB'S    TEARS." 
C.        NECKLACE    MADE  OF  THE  CARVED   SEEDS. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XXVII. 


BRASS     WORKERS'     FORGE    AT    ClBOLAN. 


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PLATE  XXIX. 

A  and  B — Men's  working  knives  and  sheaths. 
C — Small  knife  used  by  both  sexes. 
D — Woman's  knife  (gE  lat.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII,    TLATE    XX'X. 


plate  xxx. 

a. — Playing  the  agongs. 

b. — The  kodlon  or  native  guitar. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XXX. 


(Photo  (b)  from  Philippine'Bureau  of  Science.) 


1 1 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII,     FLATE    XXXI. 


man's  Suit  decorated  with    Beads,  Shell  disks  and  applique. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE   XXXII. 


FIGHTING     KNIVES. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


a 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XXXIII. 


a— SHEATHS    FOR    THE    FIGHTING     KNIVES. 

b— sheaths  for  the  Small  working  knives. 


PLATE  XXXIV. 

a.  Bamboo  basket  woven   in   two  colors.    The   central  rim  design    (X)  is 
identified  as  a  crocodile. 

b.  The  basket  rim  has  been  decorated  by  sewing  in  designs  with  fern  cuticle. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XXXIV. 


b 


Plate  XXXV. 

a — Decorated  tobacco  boxes.     The  front  of  No.  2  is  inlaid  with   yellow  orchid 
cuticle. 

b— Wooden  tops  of  tobacco  boxes  inlaid  with  beads. 


I  ELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XXXV. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XXXVII. 


Typical  specimens  of   weaving  in   hemp  Cloth. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    XXXVIII 


Center   Panel  in  a    woman's    hemp  Cloth   Skirt. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.        ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE  XLIV. 


BlLA-AN    FROM    THE     MAAL    RIVER. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    XLIX. 


a— THE    HOUSES  ARE    PERCHED   ON   THE    HILL-TOPS    FAR   ABOVE  THE    RIVER, 
b— HOME    OF     DATU     DlALUM. 

{Photo  (a)  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    L. 


a— MOUNTAIN- SIDE    CLEARING    AND    RESIDENCE 
h— A    CLEARING    IN   THE  JUNGLE. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    Llll. 


SECURING    SAGO 


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PLATE  LVIII. 

a  and  b — Men's  trousers  decorated  with  embroidery  and  shell  disks. 
-Boys'  trousers.     The  decoration  is  secured  by  oversewing  the  cloth  before  dyeing. 


FIELD   MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL   HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII,    PLATE  LVIII. 


MENS   AND    BOYS     TROUSERS. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    LXI. 


/ 


Kulaman    MEN. 


^r  &  / 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.     PLATE    LXII. 


f;  W 


KULAMAN     WOM  EN. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII,    PLATE    LXIII. 


Suit   worn   by  a    mabolot. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY  ANTHROPOLOGY.     VOL.    XII.     PLATE    LXIV 


b 


Mandaya    Men. 

(Photo  (a)  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science. )' 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.   VOL.   XII.   P  LA.T  E   LXV. 


A    AND    B.       MANDAYA     WOMEN. 


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FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY      VOL.    XII.    PLATE    LXVI. 


WOMAN    WEARING   THE    MOST    PRIZED    ORNAMENTS  OF  THE   TRIBE. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    LXVII 


WOMAN     FROM    THE     HEADWATERS    OF    THE     MAYO     RIVER. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY.     VOL.    XII,     PLATE    LXVIII. 


WATERPROOF   TRINKET    BOXES   ARE    CARRIED    BY   THE    WOMEN. 

(Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    LXIX. 


Customary    Dress  of  the    men. 

{Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.     PLATE    LXX. 


BAGS  WHICH    SERVE  AS   POCKETS    HANG    AG  A I  NST  TH  E   BACKS  OF  TH  E    M  EN, 

(Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.     PLATE    LXX. 


r 


bags  which  Serve  as  Pockets  hang  Against  the  Backs  of  the  men, 

(Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF     NATURAL    HISTORY. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    VOL.    XII.     PLATE  LXXII. 


.. 


f-g&r* 


Caroline   Island   Boat  at    Mayo  Bay. 


FIELD    MUSEUM    OF    NATURAL    HISTORY.  ANTHROPOLOGY.    VOL.    XII.    PLATE    LXXIII. 


mandaya  Tree   house. 

{Photo  from  Philippine  Bureau  of  Science.) 


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